WP Watson Antiquarian Books Archives - inBiblio
last 7 days
last 30 days

WP Watson Antiquarian Books

Myotomia Reformata: or

Myotomia Reformata: or, an anatomical Treatise on the Muscles of the Human Body. Illustrated with Figures after the Life. . To which is prefix’d an Introduction concerning Muscular Motion .

COWPER, William (1666-1709) Large folio (522 x 355 mm), pp [xii] LXXVII [1] 194, with title in red and black, 33 engraved diagrams in Introduction, engraved head- and tailpieces (39 in total), engraved initials with anatomical details, 67 engraved plates (n 13 in two states) and double-page ‘Syllabus musculorum’; some occasional spotting as usual, a fine copy on large, thick paper in contemporary mottled calf, gilt filets on sides, spine with gilt panel ornaments. First folio and greatly expanded edition, and a large- and thick-paper copy (an octavo edition, with ten plates only, had appeared in 1694) of Cowper’s treatise on human musculature, featuring plates after Raphael and Rubens. The folio edition, ‘published thirteen years after Cowper’s death, is a much grander volume, a beautifully produced folio, with more than sixty plates . ‘[The editor’ Richard Mead persuaded Dr James Jurin to sort out Cowper’s text, and had Dr Henry Pemberton, editor of Newton’s Principia, 1726, write an essay on the physics of “muscular motion”. In spite of these delays, the book as published in 1724 was, Mead stated, more complete than any other produced in English or in any other language up to that time. ‘As Cowper explains: The outlines of some of these figures are drawn after Rafael, Sir Peter Paul Rubens, Guido Reni, Le Fage; but the muscling is done after several human subjects, and not copied from any anatomical book whatever. ‘Cowper thought the figures of the more superficial muscles would be of use not only to surgeons but also to “those who bend their studies to the admirable arts of sculpture and painting .” – arts which Cowper had studied, and in which he was proficient’ (Roberts and Tomlinson, The Fabric of the Body, pp 416-7). The entire volume is an artistic tour-de-force, not only for the main plates but also in its clever head- and tailpieces. The engraved initials feature anatomical details and are reminiscent of the Vesalian initials in the Fabrica. Pemberton’s introduction on the mechanics of muscular action, an independent book-length treatise in its own right, features 33 engraved plates in the text analysing muscular action in terms of Newtonian mechanics. Besides editing the third edition of the Principia, Pemberton wrote the highly regarded View of Sir Isaac Newton’s Philosophy (1728), one of the most influential introductions to Newton’s work. This is the first large-paper copy of this work I have come across. For comparison, the Norman copy measured 444 x 316 mm, as opposed to 522 x 355 here. Provenance: engraved armorial bookplate of John Bronlow, Baron Charleville and first Viscount Tyrconnel; also with later Belton House bookplate of the Lords Bronlow Garrison and Morton 392.1; Heirs of Hippocrates 723; Norman 530; Roberts and Tomlinson pp 412-417 and n 94; Russell 210
The descent of man

The descent of man, and selection in relation to sex .

DARWIN, Charles (1809-1882) 2 vols, 8vo (190 x 125 mm), pp viii, 423 [1]; 16 [Murray’s advertisements, dated January 1871]; viii [ii] 475 [1] 16 [Murray’s advertisements, dated January 1871], with numerous wood-engraved illustrations in the text; a fine, bright copy in original cloth. First edition (second issue), presentation copy from the printer William Clowes the younger. The word ‘evolution’ appears here for the first time in any of Darwin’s works, on page 2 of the first volume, ‘that is to say before its appearance in the sixth edition of the Origin of species in the following year’ (Freeman p 129). ‘In the Origin Darwin had avoided discussing the place occupied by Homo sapiens in the scheme of natural selection, stating only that “light will be thrown on the origin of man and his history”. Twelve years later he made good his promise with The descent of man, in which he compared man’s physical and psychological characteristics to similar traits in apes and other animals, showing how even man’s mind and moral sense could have developed through evolutionary processes. In discussing man’s ancestry Darwin did not claim that man was directly descended from apes as we know them today, but stated simply that the extinct ancestors of Homo sapiens would have to be classified among the primates; however, this statement, as misinterpreted by the popular press, caused a furore second only to that raised by the Origin’ (Norman). There are several differences between the first and second issues; the most notable is the subject of a one-page inserted ‘Postscript’ at the beginning of Vol II where Darwin confesses he has fallen into ‘a serious and unfortunate error’ on pages 297-9 in the first volume and pages 161 and 237 in the second volume concerning sexual selection. This leaf does not appear in the second issue, as the offending passage, and several others detailed in the extensive errata, were corrected in the later printing. 2500 copies of the first issue were published on February 24, and 2000 copies of the second issue in March. Murray’s advertisements are identical in both issues, dated January 1871. Provenance: inscribed by the recipient ‘Given to me by William Clowes, Marden 1871’ on half title. William Clowes the younger (1807–1883) was head of the printing firm William Clowes Ltd; bookplate ‘Hurrell’ with coat-of-arms (three crossbows and chevron) Freeman 937; Garrison and Morton 170; Norman 599
Note overo memorie del Museo di Lodovico Moscardo. et in tre libri distinte. Nel primo si discorre delle cose Antiche

Note overo memorie del Museo di Lodovico Moscardo. et in tre libri distinte. Nel primo si discorre delle cose Antiche, le quali in detto Museo si trovano. Nel secondo delle pietre, minerali, e terre. nel terzo de corali, conchiglie, animali, frutti, & altri cose in quello contenute.

MOSCARDO, Lodovico Folio (308 x 213 mm), pp. [xx, including frontispiece] 306 [recte 307] [13], with engraved frontispiece and 114 engravings in text; two leaves (F3/4) reversed in binding, a very fresh, crisp copy in contemporary English calf, gilt panels with floral ornaments on corners, spine with gilt compartments and ornaments repeated, some restoration to spine and corners. First edition, Sir Ashton Lever’s copy, of this important early illustrated museum catalogue. Moscardo acquired the collection of Francesco Calzolari (1522-1609), a Verona pharmacist who had amassed one of the first specialised natural history collections. Moscardo added his own collection of antiquities, medals, and paintings. The first part is devoted to antiquities, medals, statues, and ethnographic objects (pre-Columbian shoe, etc.). 72 plates illustrate this section. The second and third parts are devoted to (mostly) natural history objects, including an extensive collection of shells, minerals and fossils, with 42 plates devoted to these subjects. ‘The first section describes and illustrates his antiquities: Roman statues, portrait busts, coins, urns, stellae, perfume bottles, votive objects, seals, oil lamps, lapidary inscriptions and jewellery. The section also includes Egyptian scarcophagi, fragments of a giant’s bones, and some Renaissance medals. ‘The second section lists over 100 minerals as well as petrified objects and fossils. The final section comprises corals, shells and preserved aquatic creatures (such as crocodiles, a sting ray, a swordfish, a seahorse, a shark, and even the mythical basilisk), fruits, seeds, pods, beans, gums and ointments, a harpy, the bones of giants of whom the poets tell us, a small collection of phallic amulets, musical instruments, paintings and drawings, American Indian shoes, and at the end a large assault catapult. There are many interesting discussions as well, such as a section on magnets and others on the properties of various metals and minerals. Among the items illustrated and discussed are a Greek “fibula gimnastica,” which is a chastity ring for men that will ‘conserve the voice and the health.’ This is the first illustrated sexual device. The collection was seen by Ray in 1663 and by Gilbert Burnet in 1685’ (Schuh, Biobibliography of mineralogy, (Mineralogical Record, online). The frontispiece depicts Nature (in a variation of the many-breasted Diana of Ephesus) flanked by Antiquity as an old woman and Art as a young woman. It is signed ‘Albert Pasi fecit Veronae’. The collection passed to the Miniscalchi family, where the remains may be seen today as part of the Miniscalchi Foundation in Verona. The frontispiece depicts Nature (in a variation of the many-breasted Diana of Ephesus) flanked by Antiquity as an old woman and Art as a young woman. It is signed ‘Albert Pasi fecit Veronae’. Provenance: Sir Ashton Lever, with engraved bookplate on front pastedown. Ashton Lever (1729–1788) was a natural history collector, starting with live birds which were housed in an aviary at Alkrington Hall (between Manchester and Rochdale). He then turned to collecting shells, fossils, and stuffed birds. His collection became so popular that he moved it to London and opened his museum, the Holophusikon as he styled it, in Leicester House on Leicester Square. It occupied sixteen rooms and included many artifacts from the South Pacific collected during Cook’s voyages. The collection was partially described and illustrated in Shaw’s Museum Leveriani (1791). However, the museum was not a commercial success and after losing possession of it its contents were auctioned in 1806 in a sixty-five day sale. Freilich catalogue 404; Gatterer I 279; Murray I p 84 and III p 34; Nissen ZBI 2898; Sinkankas 4611; Wilson, History of Mineral Collecting, p 218
Delle porpore e delle materie vestiarie presso gli antichi: dissertazione epistolare .

Delle porpore e delle materie vestiarie presso gli antichi: dissertazione epistolare .

ROSA, Michele (1731-1812) 4to (239 x 180 mm), pp xx 387 [1], with large folding engraved plate; a fine, unpressed copy in original carta rustica. First edition of this monograph on Tyrian or royal purple dye and the various species of murex from which the colour was extracted. The dye was in use by Phoenicians as early as 1570 BC, and Phoenicia,’land of purple’, derives its name from it. It was extracted from enormous quantities of murex shells. It produced various shades of dark red and purple, and was prized because it was colourfast, did not fade, and in fact intensified in colour over time and with exposure to the sun. Its use was often restricted to royalty. Rosa’s work also examines various animal, vegetable, and mineral dyes used in ancient textiles, and includes a detailed bibliography. The ‘discovery’ of Tyrian purple was the subject of a painting by Rubens in 1636, ‘Heracles and the Discovery of the Secret of Purple’, featuring the hero with his dog on a sea shore. The long, in licking a shell, has stained his mouth; Rubens however depicts the wrong kind of shell. The engraved plate in Rosa’s work, illustrating 12 shells, is by Francesco Rosaspina. Rosa was professor of chemistry at Modena. Hirsch IV 875; Biblotheca Tinctoria 898; OCLC records Getty only for North America, and only 3 European locations
Ein newe und schöne Art der Vollkommenen Visier-Kunst: Derengleichen hiebevor niemaln in keiner Spraach gesehen worden : Wie man nemlich vielerley underschiedne Visierstäbe zurichten/ auch mit denselbigen allerhand regulierte hole Cörpor/ sie seyen so gross oder kleyn sie immer mögen/ als mancherley Särcke/ Röhrcästen/ Brunnen/ Fass/ Bütten/ Eymer/ Gläser/ Kugeln etc. visieren/ und deren innhallt gantz leichtlich erkündigen soll .

Ein newe und schöne Art der Vollkommenen Visier-Kunst: Derengleichen hiebevor niemaln in keiner Spraach gesehen worden : Wie man nemlich vielerley underschiedne Visierstäbe zurichten/ auch mit denselbigen allerhand regulierte hole Cörpor/ sie seyen so gross oder kleyn sie immer mögen/ als mancherley Särcke/ Röhrcästen/ Brunnen/ Fass/ Bütten/ Eymer/ Gläser/ Kugeln etc. visieren/ und deren innhallt gantz leichtlich erkündigen soll .

BEYER, Johann Hartmann (1563-1625) 4to (196 x 155 mm), pp [xii] 68; 191 [1, blank]; ff [20, last blank], with woodcut device on title and numerous woodcut illustations and diagrams in text; a fine copy, with several lower edges uncut, in contemporary German vellum ruled in blind on covers, in a cloth box.First edition (published simultaneously with a Latin edition) of Beyer’s treatise on calculating the volumes of various solid geometric figures, inlcudling glasses, barrels, buckets, etc. It is an important precursor to Kepler’s Nova Stereometria (1615); Beyer is referred to in that work. ‘Beyer also discusses the extraction of cube roots, gives practical examples of gauging and includes tables for such things as the circumference and area of circles having diameters from 0.1 to 108 units in steps of 0.1 unit. Unfortunately, the value of pi Beyer used appears to be 3.14172 rather than 3.14159, and this value limits their usefulness .’Johann Beyer was not only a well-known Frankfurt physician and mathematician but also a person of civic eminence due to his position as Bürgermeister. His wide contact with the scientific community is illustrated by a letter he is known to have written to Kepler in 1616 in which he used a combination of both the decimal point (actually a comma) and the old system of accents to represent decimal fractions’ (Tomash and Williams).Beyer was also in correspondence with Ludolph van Ceulen (1540-1610), who devoted his life to calculating the value of pi, eventually reaching 35 decimal places.Both the German and Latin editions were published in 1603, and both are dated September 12 in their dedications. However, the dedications are different, and there are significant differences in the text and calculations.Provenance: Erwin Tomash (bought at Zisska und Kistner, Auktion 12/I Von Kepler bis Einstein, 24-5 October 1988, lot 54) with his ex libris on front pastedownTomash and Williams B148; VD17 547.658949Q
Ars de statica medicina aphorismorum sectionibus septem comprehensa.

Ars de statica medicina aphorismorum sectionibus septem comprehensa.

SANTORIO, Santorio (1561-1636) 12mo (130 x 69 mm), ff [12, including a1-2, blank] 84; title with a small marginal stain, a few other leaves with slight marginal staining, otherwise a very clean, crisp, and tall copy, with some lower edges uncut, in contemporary vellum, gilt edges.First edition, of exceptional rarity, of the foundation work that ‘introduced quantitative experimentation into biological science’, and a work considered at the time of equal importance to Harvey’s De motu cordis (1628). Santorio, Galileo’s friend and colleague of many years, both collaborated with him on instrumental development and applied Galileo’s methods to the study of physiology.Written in the form of aphorisms, Santorio presents his research into metabolism, then known as ‘insensible perspiration’. He devised an elaborate weighing chair, and experimented on himself to determine the quantitative changes in the body, only eating and drinking while seated in his chair. Through a long series of experiments and careful record-keeping he established that a large part of excretion occurs invisibly through the skin. He employed a pulse-clock, and was the first to use a thermometer in physiological experiments; he was also the ‘inventor’ of the thermometer insofar as he was the first to attach a fixed scale to Galileo’s thermoscope, thus making it a quantitative measuring instrument.’Through most of the 17th and 18th centuries Santorio’s name was linked with that of Harvey as the greatest figure in physiology and experimental medicine because of his introduction of precision instruments for quantitative studies. He was also the founder of modern metabolic research’ (Garrison and Morton 572.1).’In 1614 he published De statica medicina, a short work on the variation in weight experienced by the human body as a result of ingestion and excretion. The latter work made him famous. Filled with incisive and elliptic aphorisms, De statica medicina dazzled his contemporaries .’On 9 February 1615 Santorio sent a copy of De statica medicina to Galileo. In an accompanying letter he explained that his work was based on two principles: first, Hippocrates’ view that medicine is essentially the addition of what is lacking and the removal of what is superfluous; and second, experimentation. The origin of "static medicine" was, in fact, the Hippocratic conception that health consists in the harmony of the humors. To verify this supposition, Santorio turned to quantitative experimentation. With the aid of a chair scale, he systematically observed the daily variations in the weight of his body and showed that a large part of excretion takes place invisibly through the skin and lungs (perspiratio insensibilis). Moreover, he sought to determine the magnitude of this invisible excretion; its relationship to visible excretion, and its dependence on various factors, including the state of the atmosphere, diet, sleep, exercise, sexual activity, and age. Thus he invented instruments to measure ambient humidity and temperature. From this research he concluded (1) that perspiratio insensibilis, which had been known since Erasistratus but which was considered imponderable, could be determined by systematic weighing; (2) that it is, in itself, greater than all forms of sensible body excretions combined; and (3) that it is not constant but varies considerably as a function of several internal and external factors; for example, cold and sleep lessen it and fever increases it’ .’Throughout the seventeenth century and the first half of the eighteenth, physicians sympathetic with the doctrines of iatrophysics praised Santorio as one of the greatest innovators in physiology and practical medicine. Many scientists agreed with Baglivi that the new medicine was based on two pillars: Santorio’s statics and Harvey’s discovery of the circulation of the blood’ (M.D. Grmek in DSB).Santorio was a professor at Padua, and a member of Galileo’s circle in Venice, which included Giovanni Francesco Sagredo and Paolo Sarpi. ‘In 1602 G
Fasciculus rariorum et aspectu dignorum varii generis quae collegit et suis impensis aeri ad vivum incidi .

Fasciculus rariorum et aspectu dignorum varii generis quae collegit et suis impensis aeri ad vivum incidi .

BESLER, Basil (1561-1629) Oblong 4to (262 x 178 mm), comprising engraved title, one letterpress dedication leaf, and 24 engraved plates; single minute and insignificant wormhole inside platemarks, margins of last plate frayed and with old repair to margins, a very good, unrestored copy in its original limp vellum binding, labelled in ink on spine.First edition, an unrestored copy in its original binding, with rich, dark impressions of the plates. Basil Besler (1561-1629), compiler of the celebrated Hortus Eystettensis, 1613, was a Nuremberg apothecary and one of the first to assemble a natural history Wunderkammer. This is the first work to illustrate such a cabinet in Germany, and its interior is depicted on the engraved title/frontispiece, with Besler exhibiting the contents to a visitor. This is one of the few catalogues to be published by the owner of the collection.’The collection included stuffed animals, including snakes, a crocodile and an armadillo, fruits, spices and nuts from Brazil and Mauritius, shells and coral and a fine mineral and fossil section with ammonites and belemnites, bezoars, glossopetrae (fossil sharks’ teeth, still regarded as curious stones) and a stone in the form of a hand. Besler’s nephew Michael Rupert Besler (1607-1661) continued to add to the collection and published a further account of it in 1642′ (From Wunderkammer to Museum p 48).The engraved title/frontispiece is by Hans Troschel after Peter Isselburg, who were also presumably responsible for the plates, or at least the original 24.The frontispiece shows Besler and a visitor standing by an open doorway to the left. Besler is pointing to a banner in the centre which bears the title and imprint. From the ceiling depend snakes, a porcupine fish, and coconuts. On a shelf above the doorway are various books and pieces of coral. On the wall opposite are various shells, the shell of a turtle, a chameleon, a footless bird-of-paradise, etc. There are drawers labelled ‘Conchylia’, ‘Fructus’, and ‘Lapides’. In the foreground on the floor there is an armadillo, a crocodile, an iguana, and two other lizards, while a servant advances towards Besler and his guest holding out a large fossil reptile skull.The plates are headed ‘Fructus’ (5), ‘Lapides’ (7), ‘Conchilia’ (2), ‘Animalia’ (4), and ‘Marina’ (6).A second edition, with 7 additional plates, was published in 1622 under the title ‘Continuatio rariorum’; the plate impressions in the later edition are not as rich as the first. Both editions are quite rare.Provenance: contemporary ink inscription on upper cover apparently recording its purchase in Frankfurt, possibly with signature but indistinct; later ink monogram ‘U.F.’ on upper coverThe three copies in the British Library are all imperfect. For the Fasciculus OCLC records Harvard and McGill for North America, but the records aren’t clear if these are complete or notNissen ZBI 345; Wellcome 826 (lacking one plate)
Tabulae Mediceae secundorum mobilium universales quibus per unicum prosthaphaereseon orbis Canonem Planetarum calculus exhibetur. Non solum Tychonicè iuxta Rudolphinas Danicas & Lansbergianas

Tabulae Mediceae secundorum mobilium universales quibus per unicum prosthaphaereseon orbis Canonem Planetarum calculus exhibetur. Non solum Tychonicè iuxta Rudolphinas Danicas & Lansbergianas, sed etiam iuxta Prutenicas Alphonsinas & Ptolemaicas .

RENIERI, Vincenzio (1606-1647) Folio (332 x 232 mm), pp [iv] xxxvi 316, with woodcut diagrams; a few gatherings slightly browned, margins of title and prelims frayed, overall a very good copy in contemporary Italian vellum, binding slightly warped.First edition of Renieri’s ‘Medicean’ planetary tables, dedicated Ferdinand II de’ Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany.’A friend and disciple of Galileo Galilei, Vincenzio Renieri is best remembered for his work on the satellites of Jupiter. Although little is known about his early life, Renieri joined the Olivetan order in 1623, which initially took him to Rome and a decade later to Siena, where he met Galileo (1633). Thereafter, Renieri made frequent visits to Arcetri and soon became an intimate friend of Galilei. Working closely with Vincenzio Viviani, Renieri was given the task of continuing Galilei’s observations of the satellites of Jupiter and improving the computational tables. To that end, Galilei entrusted Renieri with all of his papers dealing with Jupiter’s satellites, which were to be perfected and sent to the States-General of Holland as the basis for determining longitde at sea. Having accepted the chair in mathematics at Pisa (previously held by Dino Peri and earlier still by Galilei), Renieri continued to supplement Galilei’s observations while improving his methods, Unfortunately, Renieri published only one work, the Tabulae medicae . (Florence 1639). Although the title is tantalizing, Renieri’s widely discussed tables for Jupiter’s satellites were not published during his lifetime . The Medicean Tables say nothing about the Medicean satellites; instead, they represent a typical effort to improve Johannes Kepler’s Rudolphine Tables for the planets . Renieri claimed a simpler method for calculating longitudes by means of a two-step procedure, which he applied first to the superior planets, then to the inferior. His treatment of planetary latitudes is similar but more complicated. Renieri concluded by comparing his results (for the middle terrestrial latitudes), arguing that his tables were superior to the Rudolphine, Tychonic, Danish, and Landsbergian.’In the end, Renieri’s observations of Jupiter’s satellites were not printed until the mid-19th century. Although the Grand Duke of Tuscany ordered the ephemerides published . Renieri died prematurely, and his manuscript was lost . The loss was unfortuante, as the synodic periods Renieri supplied were remarkably accurate, clearly superior to values given by Simon Mary and other contemporaries. Alexandre Pingré indicates Renieri had an excellent telescope but made many observations with a mediocre quadrant. Several of Renieri’s observations are cited in Giovanni Riccioli’s Almagestum novum (pt. I)’ (Robert Alan Hatch in Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers, II, pp 963-4).Provenance: contemporary inscription ‘Tiberii Dellabella’ on title and foot of verso of last leaf; a loosely inserted bifolium, three pages of which are devoted to a history of leases, rents, and other matters pertaining to the Dellabella family, the final page devoted to astronomical calculations in the Tabulae Medicae; the latest date given in the document is 1638Carli and Favaro 174; Drake, Galileo at Work, pp 413-16, 459, 464; Riccardi I.2 348 n 2; OCLC records Huntington (Burndy), Chicago, Texas, and Toronto for North America
Geometrical Researches on the Theory of Parallels ? Translated from the Original by George Bruce Halsted. [Offprint from:] Scientiae Baccalaureus

Geometrical Researches on the Theory of Parallels ? Translated from the Original by George Bruce Halsted. [Offprint from:] Scientiae Baccalaureus, A Quarterly Journal of Scientific Research, Vol 1, No 3, February, 1891

LOBACHEVSKY, Nikolai Ivanovich (1792-1856) 4to (206 x 153 mm), pp [3] 126-165, with numerous diagrams in the text; a very good copy in contemporary cloth-backed boards, with wrapper title ‘Theory of Parallels, Lobatschewsky, Translated by Dr. George Bruce Halsted, Austin, Tex.’ laid down on upper cover.The true first edition in English, incredibly rare offprint issue (one of two copies known), of Lobachevsky’s revolutionary discovery of non-Euclidean geometry. This work, published in the short-lived and little-known journal Scientiae Baccalaureus, is a translation of Geometrische Untersuchungen zur Theorie der Parallellinien (Berlin, 1840), which was the first complete account of Lobachevsky’s work to be published in a Western European language; ‘following its publication, in 1842 [sic], Lobachevsky was, on the recommendation of Gauss, elected to the Göttingen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften’ (DSB). Lobachevsky sent Gauss a copy of the 1840 work, and Gauss’s opinion of it is recorded in a letter, dated 28 November 1846, written to his colleague the astronomer H. C. Schumacher: ‘In developing the subject, the author followed a road different from the one I took myself; Lobachevsky carried out the task in a masterly fashion and in a truly geometric spirit. I consider it a duty to call your attention to this book, since I have no doubt that it will give you a tremendous pleasure’. Lobachevsky’s first discussion of non-Euclidean geometry, Exposition succincte des principes de la géométrie avec une démonstration rigoureuse du théorème des parallèles, was delivered (in French) to the Kazan department of physics and mathematics at a meeting held on 23 February 1826. French was the language of scientific discourse in Russia but Lobachevsky strongly advocated the use of the Russian language and published his first four works in his native tongue: O nachalakh geometrii (1829-30); Novye nachala geometrii s polnoi teoriei parallelnykh (1835-38); Voobrazhaemaya geometriya (1835); and Primenenie voobrazhaemoi geometrii k nekotorym integralam (1836). Geometrische Untersuchungen (1840) is the first work in a Western European language to treat both the synthetic foundations of non-Euclidean geometry and the Lobachevskian trigonometry. It was translated into French in 1866 by Jules Hoüel and into English in 1891 by George Bruce Halsted, as the work above. Lobachevsky published a final summary work in Russian translation from his original French, Pangeometria, as part of a volume celebrating the jubilee of the University of Kazan in 1855; the original French text was published the following year, also by the University of Kazan.The appearance of Lobachevsky’s work in the Scientiae Baccalaureus is little-known, and has frequently been ignored by historians of mathematics. The main text is identical (in text, not in typography) to that of the Scientiae Baccalaureus version, but its preface, dated May, 1891, was extensively rewritten and enlarged.'[The] Scientiae Baccalaureus, A Quarterly Journal of Scientific Research, was published under the auspices of the Missouri School of Mines [M.S.M.], and was edited by "The Senior Classmen". Fewer than ten libraries now own Scientiae Baccalaureus, and even at its home institution it cannot be found in the regular stacks’ (Hall). Only one volume was published, in 1890-91, comprising four issues.’The journal’s greatest claim to fame came through Halsted. Vol. 1, No. 3 contains his translation of N. Lobatschewsky’s [spelled here as in the journal] work on parallel lines, and Vol. 1, No. 4 contains his translation of J. Bolyai’s famous appendix to the book written by his father. ‘Because of the short life and relative obscurity of the journal, and because Halsted later published his translations through the University of Texas, Scientiae Baccalaureus is not always given as a source for these translations by historians and in bibliographies . When Halsted died in 1922, his obituary notice in the [American Mathematical] Monthly [Vol 29 (1922), p 187] pus
Trigonometria cum magno logarithmor[um] canone . [title of second part:] Magnus canon triangulorum logarithmicus. Ex voto & consilio illustr. Neperi

Trigonometria cum magno logarithmor[um] canone . [title of second part:] Magnus canon triangulorum logarithmicus. Ex voto & consilio illustr. Neperi, p.m. novissimo, et sinu toto 100000000. ad scrupulor. secundor. decadas usque .

URSINUS, Benjamin (1587-1633) 4to (195 x 147 mm), pp [viii] 272; II ff [228], with engraved title to first work; some browning throughout but a very good copy in contemporary vellum, labelled in manuscript on spine ‘Logarit. Naperi’.First edition of ‘the largest table of original Napierian logarithms that were produced. While Napier calculated his to every minute of the arc, Ursinus’s tables were to each ten seconds of arc and were eight deicmal places while Napier’s were seven’ (Tomash and Williams).’Benjamin Ursinus (the Latin form of Behr, his family name) was a mathematics teacher in Berlin. His earlier publication of a small Napierian logarithm table in his Cursus mathematici practici had aroused Kepler’s interest and eventually resulted in the Rudolphine Tables. Ursinus, who was a friend of Kepler, assisted with the calculations for the Rudolphine Tables. Napier’s logarithms were not the same as those called Napierian today (which are to base e) . Tables to the base 10 (by Briggs, Gunter and Vlacq) quickly displaced Napier’s logs .’The book deals with how logarithms were calculated and their use in both plane and spherical trigonometry. The tables, which have a separate title page, are dated a year earlier than the text but were never issued independently (ibid.).The title of the second part bears a long quote (eight lines) from Kepler’s Harmonices mundi (book IV, p 168).Provenance: Erwin Tomash, with his ex libris on front pastedownTomash and Williams U6 and U7; OCLC records Clark, Michigan, US Naval Observatory, Stanford, and McMaster for North America
Nova Stereometria doliorum vinariorum

Nova Stereometria doliorum vinariorum, in primis Austriaci, figurae omnium aptissimae; et usus in eo virgae cubicae compendiosissimus & plane singularis. Accessit Stereometriae Archemedeae supplementum .

KEPLER, Johannes (1571-1630) Folio (310 x 200 mm), I: ff [56], with additional errata leaf at end, with numerous woodcut illustrations in the text; the large woodcut on H4 verso just touching lower margin but not cropped as often, a fine, large, and crisp copy in contemporary vellum, spine darkened and a small area of vellum torn away on lower front cover.First edition, an outstanding and exceptionally large copy with a distinguished provenance, of Kepler’s contribution to the mathematics of integration techniques. This is one of very few copies with the rare errata leaf. It also appears to be printed on a superior paper stock than normally found. The Nova stereometria of one of Kepler’s rarer works, containing his invention of integration techniques, an important precursor of the calculus, and the mathematical tools which made his immense astronomical calculations feasible. Interestingly, these arose from his need to calculate how much wine was left in the barrels of his cellar in order not to run short in winter.The Nova Stereometria is ‘generally regarded as one of the significant works in the prehistory of the calculus’ (DSB). Kepler ‘made wide application of an old but neglected idea, that of infinitely great and infinitely small quantities. Greek mathematicians usually shunned this notion, but with it modern mathematicians completely revolutionized the science’ (Cajori).’Desiring to outfit his new household with the produce of a particularly good wine harvest, Kepler installed some casks in his house. When he discovered that the wine merchant measured only the diagonal length of the barrels, ignoring their shape, Kepler set about computing their actual volumes. Abandoning the classical Archimedean procedures, he adopted a less rigorous but productive scheme in which he considered that the figures were composed of an infinite number of thin circular laminae or other cross sections.’The task of writing a complete treatise on volumetric determinations seems to have been suggested to Kepler by the prosaic problem of determining the best proportions for a wine cask. The result was the Nova stereometria ?’Kepler opening his work on curvilinear mensuration with the simple problem of determining the area of a circle. In his he abandoned the classical Archimedean procedures. He did not substitute for these the limiting consideration proposed by Stevin and Valerio, but had recourse instead to the less rigorous but more suggestive approach of Nicholas of Cusa. Like Stifel and Viète, he regarded the circle as a regular polygon with an infinite number of sides, and its area he therefore looked upon as made up of infinitesimal triangles of which the sides of the polygon were the bases and the center of the circle the vertex. The totality of these was then given by half the product of the perimeter and the apothem (or radius).’Kepler did not limit himself to the simple proposition above, but with skill and imagination applied this same method to a wide variety of problems. By looking upon the sphere as composed of an infinite number of infinitesimal cones whose vertices were the center of the sphere and whose bases made up the surface, he showed that the volume is one-third the product of the radius and the surface area. The cone and cylinder he regarded variously: as made up of an infinite number of infinitely thin circular laminae.Kepler ’employs primitive integration techniques in attempting to find volumes of bodies with curved surfaces, his researches in this area having been spurred by comparison of the current methods used to find the volume of wine casks with the work of Archimedes on volume measurement.The difficulties Kepler faced in promoting the sale of the Stereometria accounts in part for its rarity. As Casper notes in his bibliography, Kepler found only four purchasers for the work in the whole of Prussia.A few copies, such as this one, contain a quarter-sheet errata leaf.Provenance: Pierre Daniel Huet (1630-1721), bishop of Avranches, with printed
Historiae animalium liber IIII. qui est de piscium & aquatilium animantium natura. Cum iconibus singulorum ad vivum expressis. Continentur in hoc volumine

Historiae animalium liber IIII. qui est de piscium & aquatilium animantium natura. Cum iconibus singulorum ad vivum expressis. Continentur in hoc volumine, Gulielmi Rondeletii & Petri Belonii Cenomani de aquatilium singulis scripta.

GESNER, Conrad (1516-1565) Folio (395 x 245 mm), pp [xl] 1297, with printer’s device on title and 737 woodcuts in text, all in outstanding publisher’s hand-colouring; a few minor tears in blank margins repaired, some minute wormholes occasionally touching a letter of text, faint waterstaining on upper corner of some gatherings, overall an exceptionally clean and fresh copy in contemporary German blind-stamped pigskin over wooden boards, with clasps.First edition, in fine publisher’s hand-colouring, of Gesner’s history of fish and aquatic animals. This is the fourth volume of his great encyclopedia of the animal kingdom, the first systematic treatise on zoology of the Renaissance. The woodcuts form the fourth great series of ichthyological illustrations, after Belon (1551), Rondelet (1554) and Salviani (1554), but are also the first general series of marine illustrations not confined to fish. A number of molluscs, crustaceans, shells, coral, and other marine organisms and products are illustrated.The original drawings for many of these illustrations were recently discovered in the Amsterdam University Library; the colouring of these match in most cases that of the publisher’s colouring, and establishes that they were the templates not only for the woodcuts but also their colouring.’Many of the images given to Gessner are found in the two Amsterdam albums, which together comprise 369 sheets; 235 images on these sheets (which generally show two or three images per sheet) match illustrations in Gessner’s printed works on sh. The aquatic album, with 225 sheets, has 159 matches with Gessner’s printed illustrations. The percentage (but not the actual number) of matches with printed illustrations by Gessner is consider- ably higher for the album containing images of viviparous animals than for the sh album: 76 out of 137 (i.e. slightly more than half) of the Gessner’s printed illustrations of viviparous animals match images in the Amsterdam album; 159 out of a total of 524 (i.e. just under a third) of Gessner’s printed sh illustrations match the Amsterdam drawings’ (Egmond 2016). A detailed study of these has been published by Florke Egmond in 2018.See Florike Egmond and Sachiko Kusukawa, ‘Circulation of images and graphic practices in Renaissance natural history: the example of Conrad Gessner’, Gesnerus 73/1 (2016), pp 29-72 and Copnrad Gessners ‘Thierbuch’. Die Originalzeichnungen, Darmstadt 2018.Adams G538; Horblit 39; Nissen ZBI 1553 PMM 77; Wellisch 26.1
Microphotographs of minerals

Microphotographs of minerals, in a portfolio of 80 plates with 320 images]

BERWERTH, Friedrich Martin] (1850-1918) Large 4to portfolio (350 x 280 mm), containing 80 plates, with manuscript numbering in roman numbers, each with four circular collotypes of crystalline structures (320 images in all), with manuscript inked captions and/or mounted printed captions; some slight marginal spotting, overall in good condition, in a contemporary half calf portfolio, spine ends worn.A highly interesting manuscript on crystallography utilizing microphotography. The manuscript or printed captions provide information on the locations of the mineral specimens, the kind of minerals depicted and the various enlargements used. There is no hint whatsoever to the author or publisher, but it is clearly designed for publication. It bears a strong resemblance both in its design, images, and captions to Friedrich Berwerth’s Mikroskopische Structurbilder der Massengesteine in farbigen Lithographien. Nach der Natur lithographirt von A. Berger und L. Steiner. Gedruckt in der lithographischen Anstalt von A. Berger in Wien, published in Stuttgart in four vols, Schweizerbart 1895-1900. This work contained 32 coloured lithographs, and eight pages of text. See Poggendorff III, 122 and IV, 112.Berwerth was an Austrian mineralogist who worked at the Mineralogisch-Petrographischen Institut of the University of Vienna before becoming director and curator of the Imperial Hofmineralien Cabinet and supervised its transfer to the Naturhistorisches Museum. He was also responsible for considerably enlarging its collection of meteorites. in 1901 he founded with August von Loehr the Weiner Mineralogische Gesselschaft. He published several works on meteorites.
Principles of Geology

Principles of Geology, being an Attempt to explain the former Changes of the Earth’s Surface, by reference to causes now in operation.

LYELL, Sir Charles (1797-1875) 3 vols, 8vo (216 x 135 mm), pp. xvi 511 [xvi, publisher’s advertisements dated December 1830]; xii 330 [2]; xxxii 398, 109 [3, advertisements], with 11 plates and maps, 4 hand-coloured, and 135 illustrations in text; a very good copy, uncut and partially unopened in original publisher’s boards, printed labels on spines, preserved in 3 morocco-backed boxes.First edition, Lyell family copy, of the foundation work of modern geology. This was the work that, more than any other, prepared the way for Darwin’s Origin. Sir Charles Lyell (1797-1875) greatly influenced the development of Darwin’s thought. Darwin was given the first volume of the Principles by Captain Fitzroy when they embarked on the Beagle, and the other two volumes were sent to him during the voyage. Lyell explained geological features by causes now in operation over immense periods of time; Darwin acknowledged that this was part of the key to his developing the theory of natural selection. Darwin wrote that ‘when seeing a thing never seen by Lyell, one yet saw it partially through his eyes’ (Correspondence, 3: 55) – and confirmed many of Lyell’s observations with careful fieldwork . He endorsed Lyell’s belief in an earth gradually shaped over countless ages: time enough – as he later grasped – for evolution by natural selection to occur’ (DNB). Lyell acted as Darwin’s advocate in the publishing of the Darwin-Wallace Linnean Society paper in 1858. ‘A classic by the father of modern geology, presenting the doctrine of uniformitarianism, namely, that the processes of the past must be judged by those of the present. This was important in the development of the Darwinian theory of evolution’ (Horblit).Provenance: family of Sir Charles Lyell until present; executors of the late Charles, 3rd Baron Lyell, Kinnordy HouseDibner 96; Evans ; Horblit 70; Norman 1398; Parkinson p 291; Sparrow 140
Observationum solarium libri tres. In quibus explicatur verus motus solis in zodiaco: & universa doctrina triangulorum

Observationum solarium libri tres. In quibus explicatur verus motus solis in zodiaco: & universa doctrina triangulorum, ad rationes apparentium coelestium accommodatur .

CHRISTMANN, Jacob (1554-1613) 4to (220 x 160 mm), pp [viii] 227 [1, blank], with large folding letterpress table ‘Canon Sexagenarius’ (not present in Macclesfield copy) and several tables and woodcut diagrams in text; a fine copy in contemporary vellum with overlapping edges.First edition of Christmann’s first astronomical publication, dealing with spherical geometry as applied to his solar observations over several years, executed with a sextant of his own design. Jacob Christmann was a professor of oriental languages in Heidelberg, and the second teacher of Arabic in Europe. ‘On the death of [Rheticus’s pupil] Valentine Otho, Christmann inherited the entire library of G. J. Rheticus, which had been in Otho’s keeping. This collection contained trigonometric tables more extensive than those that Rheticus had published in the Opus Palatinum of 1596 . as well as the original manuscript of Copernicus’ De revolutionibus orbium coelestium. The inclusion of instruments in the bequest stimulated Christmann to begin making astronomical observations. In 1604 he proposed to Kepler that they should exchange the results of their researches. Christmann was the first to use the telescope in conjunction with such instruments as the sextant or Jacob’s staff .’ (DSB). (N.B. As Valentine Otho’s death is given as 1603, this doesn’t square with DSB’s account. Christmann must have begun his observations prior to Valentine’s death).The work begins with a chapter on the construction and use of astronomical instruments, principally the sextant and triangle, a discussion of solar parallax and observational problems and errors, and methods and techniques of solar observations. This is followed by a history of the solar observations of Brahe and Kepler, and a solar ephemeris for 1597 based on Brahe but corrected with Copernicus’s observations. Christmann then presents his own solar tables. There is extensive discussion of the theories of Copernicus, Brahe, Clavius, and Lansberge. The work concludes with several chapters on prosthapharesis and the calculation and application of trigonometric tables. These tables were developed before the invention of logarithms, and were at the time the best method of calculating such formulas as 2 sin A sin B = cos (A – B) – cos (A + B). An extensive chapter discusses various errors in Lansberge’s trigonometric presentations, which earned him a rebuttal from the Dutch physician and philosopher and friend of Lansberge’s, Daniel Miverius, published at Middelburg as Apologia pro P. Lansbergio in 1602. The work is dedicated to Tycho Brahe’s nephew, Otho (or Otte) Brahe. Houzeau and Lancaster 2883; Macclesfield 521; Zinner 3884; OCLC locates six copies in North America, at Harvard, Yale, Texas, Brigham Young, Oklahoma, and Lafayette College
Discours nouveau prouvant la pluralité des Mondes

Discours nouveau prouvant la pluralité des Mondes, que les Astres sont des terres habitées, & la terre une Estoile . & se tourne devant le Soleil qui est fixe, & autres choses tres-curieuses .

BOREL, Pierre (ca 1620-1671) 8vo (175 x 114 mm), pp [viii] 80; some light browning throughout, waterstain on inner gutter of two gatherings, nonetheless a very crisp, attractive, and entirely untouched copy in its original binding utilising a vellum manuscript leaf.First edition, presentation copy from the author (see below) of Borel’s rare and provocative defence of Copernican theory, asserting that it is probable that life exists on other planets, that the earth is a planet like the others, and that the universe is infinite in extent.Borel ‘deduced from Copernican heliocentricity that the planets within our own solar system were earths, and the Earth a planet. Having weighed the arguments of Galileo, Kepler, Campanella, and Wilkins, of the ancient atomists, and even of the Hermetic-Platonic philosophy found in Bruno and More, Borel argued that his belief was in accord with Scripture and was compatible with the nature of the Creator. Moreover, he embraced the idea of the "infinite spaces of the Aire, wherein are lodged an infinite number of great Globes of diverse natures, or inhabited by several living Creatures".In chapter 44, Borel suggests building ‘the highest tower which, rising very high in the air would permit us to see more distinctly, with the help of instruments, what is on the stars, and particularly on the moon, for Galileus and Descartes assert that lenses can be made capable of multiplying one thousand times the size of objects (p 65, translated by Carré, see below). He continues that if this is the case, there is nowhere in the universe that will remain invisible to astronomical investigation, and indeed, flying machines, as yet to be built, could be deployed to take instruments into space for more detailed observations!The work begins with a bold assertion of freedom of thought to investigate anything within its purview: there is no subject which cannot be discussed. He then notes how new ideas are winning; ‘Ramus has destroyed Aristotle’s philosophy, Copernicus Ptolemaic astrology, Paracelsus Galenic medicine’ (p 3). He states that he agrees with Montaigne, ‘the honor of his century’, that ‘I know one thing which is that I know nothing’.’The central idea of the Discours, as announced in the title, is contained in the deduction, drawn from Borel’s study of scientific reports, that since our planet is not the center of the universe but one of many orbiting "stars", indeed countless others, there is no longer any justification in believing that it is the only one with inhabitants on it.This work is rare, with only four recorded copies apart from the present. It was translated into English as A New Treatise Proving a Multiplicity of Worlds. That the Planets are Regions Inhabited and the Earth a Star, and that it is out of the center of the World . and turns round before the Sun’ (London, 1658).Pierre Borel, born in Castres in the Occitanie region of southern france, was a physician, botanist, famous collector of curiosities, and physician to Louis XIV. He had a library of some 4,000 volumes. He was the author of numerous books, including the first bibliography of chemistry (1654) and a history of the telescope, De vero telescopii inventore (The Hague, 1655-1656), which documents his pioneering employment of a microscope in anatomical investigation. He was a member of a Protestant free-thinking humanist circle, and corresponded widely with the leading French scientists of his day. Borel’s manuscript of the present work, dated 1648, is in the Bibliothèque nationale.For reasons of prudence the imprint is given as Geneva, whereas in fact the volume was printed in Castres. The typography and ornaments can be matched to Borel’s Antiquitez, raretez, plantes, mineraux & autres choses . de la ville & Comté de Castres (Castres, Arnauld Colomiez, 1649). Colomiez was a Toulouse bookseller, who employed the printer Bernard Bardouda for his publications. Provenance: presentation copy inscribed on front free flyleaf ‘donum auctoris’, with a note on verso
L'Histoire des plantes

L’Histoire des plantes, traduicte de Latin en François: avec leurs pourtraicts, noms, qualitez &lieux où elles croissant, a laquelle sont adiustees celles des Simples Aromatqieues, Animaux à quatre pieds, Oiseaux, Poissons, Serpens & autres bestes venimeuses, ensemble les Distillations . reveu & corrigé par les Doctes de nostre temps .[issued with:] Histoire des plantes, nouvellement trouvées en l’Isle Virgine, & autres lieux, lesquelles ont esté prises & cultivées au Jardin de Monseiur Robin Arobriste du Roy. Non encore veuës n’y imprimées pas cy devant. Dedie à Monseiur Morand. Paris, Guillaume Macé, 1620.

LINOCIER, Geoffroy (15??-1584), Antoine DUPINET (1510?-1584?), Jean ROBIN [attributed] (1550-1629) and others 8 parts (each with their own title-page) in one vol, 16mo (114 x 75 mm), pp 704; 16; 239 [57, index], six woodcut title borders from the same block (see below), with several hundred woodcuts of plants, animals, and distilling apparatus; a very good copy, in contemporary French calf, spine with gilt ornaments in compartments, spine rubbed and badly worn at head and tail.A charming and fascinating compilation, with over 900 fine miniature woodcuts taken from many sources, its several sections illustrating plants, quadrupeds, fish, serpents, distillation, exotic products from the East Indies and the Americas, and much else. This work has also been responsible for much bibliographical confusion concerning one of its components, the Jean Robin Histoire des plantes, nouvellement trouvées en l’Isle Virgine. This 16-page treatise was often extracted from the volume and sold as an independent Americanum (see below).The first and largest part of Linocier’s text is a French translation of Antoine Dupinet’s condensed version of Mattioli, Historia plantarum: simplicium medicamentorum facultates ex Dioscoride (Lyon 1561 and 1567), with some additions.It was first published in 1584 by Macé, but without the Robin text. It included material taken from Gesner, Charles de l’Ecluse, Gracia de Orta, Nicolas Monardes, and others. In 1619 Macé brought out the above edition, with an eighth tract added, the above-named work attributed to ‘Jean Robin, Arboriste du Roy’ and dedicated to ‘Thomas Morand’ (see below). The title phrase ”Isle Virgine’ refers to the Virginia colony, not the Virgin Islands. This work has often been catalogued on its own, and also sold on its own, at considerable sums. Examination of separate (or rather separated) copies of the Robin reveal that they are all in modern bindings; none are known in contemporary bindings. Further, almost every copy of the Robin has on its title in manuscript ‘XX’, including those copies, as above, that are present in the Linocier volume. The reason for this is that it was to inform the assembler prior to binding that it was to follow gathering XX of the main work, which ends on page 704. The evidence thus suggests strongly that Robin’s tract was only issued with this edition of Linocier’s L’Histoire des plantes; copies of the Robin now bound separately were not issued as such. Also striking is the fact that virtually all of the copies of the Robin tract listed as a bibliographically separate entity are held in American libraries (nine that I have records of) and none in Continental libraries.The title of the second tract, L’Histoire des plantes aromatiques qui crossent en l’Inde, tant Occidentale qu’Orientale, has been altered from the 1584 version to include the addition: Revue & augmente de plusieurs plantes venues des Indes lesquelles ont esté prises et cultivées au Iardin de Mr. Robin Arboriste du Roy.L’histoire des plantes (pp 15-648) is a translation of Antoine Du Pinet’s Historia plantarum, compiled from Pietro Andrea Mattioli and others, first published in Lyons in 1561. The second treatise, L’histoire des plantes aromatiques, qui croissent en l’Inde tant occidentale qu’ orientale’ (pp [649]-704) is largely based on the works of Charles de L’Ecluse, Garcia de Orta and Nicolás Monardes. The Robin tract, discussed above, is separately paginated (pp 16). The next four (pp 1-239), devoted to quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and serpents, are all drawn from ‘Gesnerus & autres bons & approuvez Autheurs’ The last treatise, Entier discours et maniere de distiller les eaux de toutes sortes de plantes (p. [927]-943) is drawn from Mattioli’s commentaries on Dioscorides and Jean Liébault’s translation of Euonymus (pseud., i. e. Gesner) De remediis secretis liber secundus, issued in Paris in 1579 under title: Quatre livres des secrets de medecine, et de la philosophie chimique.The entire work is signed ã8 B-2X8, 2ã8, 2Y-3Q8 3R4.Interestingly, throughout the work the same woodcut borders, which feature festoo
Mathematische Calculatie

Mathematische Calculatie, dat is, Wiskonstige Rekening: Leerende het vinden van verscheyden Hemelloopsche Voorstellen, en dat door de Tafelen Sinus Tangents of Logarithmus wiskonstelick uyt te reckenen . Noch is hier by gevoeght de Wis-konstige Musyka .

NIEROP, Dirck Rembrantsz van (1610-1682) 2 parts in one vol, 8vo (181 x 110 mm), pp 31 [1, blank]; 167 [1, blank]; 70 [6, blank], with woodcut portrait of author on both titles, 5 folding tables in first part and 4 engraved plates in second part, with numerous illustrations and diagrams in text; a fine copy in contemporary vellum, in a cloth box with green morocco label.First edition of ‘a mathematical treatise on topics ranging from plane and spherical trigonometry to the creation of sundials on various surfaces. It contains a folding plate of logarithms very similar to that found in earlier publications of Edmund Wingate .[The second part] is a mathematical/technical discussion of music with sections on the human voice, organs and harpsichords.’The author was a prominent Dutch mathematician in the latter half of the seventeenth century. He was born into a humble Mennonite family in the North Holland village of Nieuwe Nierdrop (Nierop) where he lived all his life. He was evidently self-taught. Originally he was a shoemaker by trade but found he could make a living by teaching navigation and writing almanacs’ (Tomash and Williams).Pages 5-24 comprise logarithm tables, headed: ‘Logarithmus tafeln. Onderwijs om de tafeln van de logarithmus te maken. In de Fransche tale bescreven door Edmont Wingate’.Provenance: Bibliothecae Publicae Amstelaedamensis, with stamp and counter-stamp ‘Doublet’ on title; Erwin Tomash, with ex libris on front pastedownBierens de Haan 3974; Tomash and Williams N39 and N40; OCLC records Syracuse, Harvard, UC Berkeley, Indiana, Michigan, Kentucky, and Mennonite Historical Library for North America
Kurtzer gründlicher gebesserter unnd vermehrter Underricht

Kurtzer gründlicher gebesserter unnd vermehrter Underricht, zubereitung und gebrauch, der hochnutzlichen mathematischen Instrumenten, Proportional Schregmass und Circkels, benebens dem fundament dess visierens .

GALILEI, Galileo (1564-1642)], Georg GALGEMAIR (1564-1619) and Georg BRENTEL the younger (1581-1634) 4to (190 x 149 mm), pp [viii] 130 [recte 132] [2], title within woodcut cartouche with putti with mathematical instruments, one large folding engraved plate (380 x 254 mm) of the Galilean compass and folding woodcut plate of the proportional compass, with numerous woodcut diagrams and illustrations in the text; a fine, crisp copy in contemporary vellum with paper title label on upper cover.First edition of this exceedingly rare account of the Galilean compass, an important text in the history of the early dissemination of Galileo’s revolutionary instrument. This work consists of two parts. The first part comprises a German paraphrase of Galileo’s Le operazioni del Compasso Geometrico et Militare (Padua 1606), Galileo’s own privately printed account of the use of the instrument. This was probably based on Mathias Bernegger’s 1613 Latin translation. To this text Galgemair added instructions on constructing the instrument ‘as improved and augmented by Georg Galgemair’ and a fine, full-size engraving showing both sides of the instrument. Galileo had intentionally omitted both, as he didn’t want his instrument plagiarised. Galgemair also included a number of demonstrations on the use of the compass aren’t derived from Galileo. Neither Galileo, nor the other early writers on the Galilean compass such as Faulhaber, are mentioned in the text, and the work has escaped Galileo’s bibliographers.The second part of the work is a reprint of Galgemair’s 1610 work on the proportional compass (a much different instrument), itself largely a reprint of Hulsius’ 1604 work on the same.Galileo’s ‘geometric and military compass’, analogous in some respects to a slide rule but much simpler in operation, was the first mechanical calculating device which could be applied to a variety of complex problems. ‘By the beginning of 1599 Galileo had developed in into a general-purpose mechanical calculator capable of solving any practical mathematical problem that was likely to arise – swiftly, simply, without requiring previous mathematical education, and sufficiently accurately for ordinary practical purposes.’No previously known instrument had accomplished anything quite like that. Something of the importance to society of such an invention as Galileo’s can be grasped from the modern introduction of the pocket electronic computer’ (Stillman Drake, Galileo Galilei: Operations of the Geometric and Military Compass).Despite Galileo’s efforts to protect his invention, it was promptly plagiarised, first by Baldassare Capra who claimed the invention as his own and published a book about it (Usus et fabrica circini cuiusdam proportionis. 1607), and then copied in various forms by Dutch and German instrument makers such as Zieckmesser, Hulsius, Faulhaber, and Galgemair, each of whom made minor modifications. The instrument spread throughout Europe and revolutionised calculations in architecture, artillery, and the engineering sciences generally.The large engraved plate, depicting a full-size instrument, is one of the earliest and probably the largest illustration of the modified Galilean compass. The first official illustration of Galileo’s compass didn’t appear until 1640.The second part of this work was commissioned and edited by Georg Brentel the younger, a painter and engraver who produced plans for sundials and other instruments. He was a pupil of Philipp Apian, the son of Peter Apian (Apianus). He is sometimes wrongly credited as author.Provenance: ownership inscription of Fürst Wolfgang Engelbert zu Augsperg, 1655 on title, bookplate of the Fürstlich Auerspergische Fideicommisbibliothek; Erwin Tomash, with book labelBL German 17th-century STC G32; Zinner Astronomische Instrumente des 11. bis 18. Jahrhunderts p 266 (under Brentel); OCLC records Michigan, Lehigh, Wisconsin, and Toronto for North America
Cogitata physico mathematica. In quibus tam naturae quam artis effectus admirandi certissimis demonstrationibus explicantur. Paris

Cogitata physico mathematica. In quibus tam naturae quam artis effectus admirandi certissimis demonstrationibus explicantur. Paris, Antoine Bertier, 1644[with:] Universae geometriae, mixtaeque mathematicae synopsis, et bini refractionum demonstratarum tractatus. Paris, Antoine Bertier, 1644[and with:] Novarum observationum physico-mathematicarum . Tomus III. Quibus accessit Aristarchus Samius de mundi systemate.

MERSENNE, Marin (1588-1648) 3 vols (in various parts, see below) bound in one, 4to (235 x 174 mm), with one engraving and numerous woodcut diagrams, illustrations, and music in text; first title slightly dustsoiled, a very attractive, fresh copy in contemporary vellum, labelled ‘Cogitatorum Physico-Mathematicorum Tom I. II. III.’ in ink on spine.First edition, very rare complete with the third volume. This is an important compendium of texts, and is Mersenne’s best-known work. It contains fundamental tracts on mathematics and physics, including optics, acoustics, and harmonic theory. The first volume contains the first appearance of Mersenne numbers. There is considerable Galilean material present here as well, especially in the third volume which discusses the heliocentric system and physics of Galileo.Vol I comprises: Tractatus de mensuris ponderibus atque nummis; Hydraulica pneumatica; Ars navigandi super, et sub acquis, cum tractatus de magnete, et harmoniae theoreticae; Tractatus mechanicus; Ballistica et acontismologia. The first three are continuously paginated but with their own title-pages and prefatory matter. The Ars navigandi is in two books, with appended tracts on magnetism, music and musical instruments, with shorter pieces on submarines and the tides. The preface to the Cogitata contains the first appearance of Mersenne numbers, of the type Mp = 2 to the power of p-1, where p is a prime.The second volume comprises synopses of ancient and modern mathematical texts, some repeated from the 1626 Synopsis mathematica: it was at Descartes’ request that Mersenne enlarged and expanded the Synopsis. Among the ancient writers are Euclid, Archimedes, Theodosius and Apollonius. Among the moderns are Mydorge and Hobbes: the seventh of the seven books on Optics is in effect the first edition of Hobbes’s Tractatus Opticus.The third volume, which is the rarest of the three, begins with an examination of the heliocentric theory of Aristarchus. This is followed by an examination of the physics of Galileo and a series of Galilean experiments on gravity, acceleration, percussion, and hydraulics, along with the Torricellian experiments with the mercury barometer. ‘Mersenne’s discussions, after his visit to Italy in 1644, of the Italian and later French experiments with a Torricellian vacuum helped to make a live issue of this whole subject and its bearing on the true medium of sound and on the existence of atmospheric pressure’ (DSB). There are additional papers on combinatorics and prime numbers.’An exceedingly interesting collection . Mersenne was in constant correspondence with all the most celebrated men of his time, namely Galileo, Torricelli, Pascal, Descartes, Fermat, Roberval, &c and in this collection has published, besides his own writings, most important works and letters of his eminent friends not to be found elsewhere, and including, not only their discoveries, but also their scientific quarrels . these volumes [are] highly important for the history of science’ (Libri sale catalogue, 1861).Collation: I (Cogitata in six parts, each with separate title-page) De gallicis . mensuris: [viii] 40; Hydraulica pneumatica: [xxii] 41-224; Ars navigandi: [viii] 225-370; Tractatus mechanicus: [viii] 96; Ballistica et acontismologia: [xxxiv, including the Prefatio generalis, and dedication and Praefatio ad librum de mensuris, these usually bound at beginning of the volume] 140 [22, Index, Monitum, and one blank leaf (of 24, without second blank leaf)]II (Universae geometriae) [xxxii] 589 [1, blank]III (Novarum observationum physico-mathematicarum) [xxxii] 235 [2, errata].There are two issues of vol I, the first as here ending with a 20-page index, and a short ‘Montium’ containing errata, followed by two blank pages; the second issue contains an additional ‘Ad lectorem monita’ containing 3 leaves of additional errata discovered after the first volume was publishedWhile volume one is well represented in institutions, and volume two a little less so, volume three
14 Photographien mit Röntgen-Strahlen. Aufgenommen im physikalischen Verein zu Frakfurt A.M. .

14 Photographien mit Röntgen-Strahlen. Aufgenommen im physikalischen Verein zu Frakfurt A.M. .

RÖNTGEN, Wilhelm Conrad (1845-1923)] Carl Georg Walter KÖNIG (1859-1936) Portfolio (337 x 254 mm), pp [iv, title and foreward], with 13 original X-ray photographs mounted on ten sheets of stiff card mounts with printed captions; in fine condition, in original portfolio with green pebble cloth-backed printed boards with title and contents on front, with ties, slightly worn.First edition, a rare and early complete set of this series of X-ray photographs, published within a few months of Röntgen’s announcement of his discovery of X-rays. This work not only presents the medical importance of this new technique but also its use in archaeological, anthropologiical, and forensic investigations. The first photograph depicts a bullet or piece of shot embedded in a man’s wrist; this was a first for the forensic evidence of gunshots. These are some of the earliest published X-ray photographs and first applications of their use outside of medicine.’A few months after the discovery of X-rays by Wilhelm Conrad Roentgen in November 1895, the physicist Walter Koenig conducted the first radiographic investigation of mummified remains at the Physical Society of Frankfurt am M., Germany. The results of this investigation were published in March 1896 in the monograph entitled 14 Photographs with X-rays taken by the Physical Society of Frankfurt am Main. The X-rayed objects included a bandaged ancient Egyptian child mummy from the Senckenberg Museum of Natural History. The earliest radiographic investigations of mummies focused on discovering amulets and jewelry within the body cavities, evaluating the wrappings, and determining whether human or animal bones were represented in bandages and coffins. However, the application of the novel X-ray technique included shortly afterwards the aim of assessing anthropological and paleopathological knowledge about the mummified individuals’ (S .Zesch et al, ‘From first to latest imaging technology: Revisiting the first mummy investigated with X-ray in 1896 by using dual-source computed tomography’, in European Journal of Radiology Open, 2016).Carl Georg Walter König studied physics from 1878 to 1882 at the Universities of Tübingen and Berlin and graduated in 1887 at the University of Leipzig. He then worked at the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Leipzig as a Privatdozent and from 1892 as an associate professor of physics. In addition, he was from 1892 to 1900 director of the Physical Institute of the Physical Association in Frankfurt am Main. There he set up a X-ray photographic laboratory in 1896. On February 2, 1896 he made a series of 14 dental radiographs of his own teeth, probably the first dental X-rays ever made; these clearly showed the fillings in some of the teeth.König believed that probably the use of a ‘focal tube’ was the reason why he was able to make such good X-ray images at a very early stage. He found that more penetrating and focused X-rays were generated when the cathode rays were reflected off a platinum plate at a 45-degree angle instead of colliding with the glass of the X-ray tube. This concentration of X-rays allowed a much shorter exposure time.This work contains 13 separate photographs, one (mount n 8, with two animals side by side) on ten mounts. They are titled as follows:1 Linke Hand eines Mannes mit Kugel im Handgelenk; 2 Rechter weiblicher Unterarm mit Knochenresektion; 3 Krammetsvogel ; 4 Kniegelenke einer ägyptischen Kindermumie; 5 Oberteil einer ägyptischen Katzenmumie; 6 Damenhand im Handschuh mit Armband und Blumenstrauss; 7 Echte und unechte Perlen; 8 Schlange und Schildkröte; 9 Frosh. Krebs; 10 Klemmer in Holzschachtel. Vorderzähne des Ober- und Unterkiefers. Finger mit Gichtgelenken.(1 Left hand of a man with ball in the wrist; 2 Right female forearm with bone resection; 3 bird; 4 Knee joint of an Egyptian child mummy; 5 Top of an Egyptian cat mummy; 6 Female hand in glove with bracelet and bouquet; 7. Real and fake pearls; 8; Snake and turtle; 9a Frog, 9b Lobster; 10a Glasses in wood box.,10b the anterior and mandible of the up
Musaeum metallicum in libros IIII distributum.

Musaeum metallicum in libros IIII distributum.

ALDROVANDI, Ulisse (1522-1605) Folio (352 x 242 mm), pp [vi, without blank 4] 979 [13], with a fine engraved title and ca 1200 woodcuts in text; an exceptionally fine, fresh, spotless copy in contemporary polished vellum with overlapping fore edges, red edges, gilt arms on sides (see below).First edition, an exceptional copy, of the great illustrated catalogue of the ‘metals’ of Aldrovandi’s museum, i.e. fossils, shells, minerals and crystals, ethnographic stone objects and utensils, lamps, antique vases and marble busts, terra sigillata, kidney stones, or any other object with the properties of ‘stoniness’.Aldrovandi’s museum was one of the first natural history museums, and it has survived intact to this day in Bologna. Aldrovandi (1522-1605) was professor of natural sciences and director of the botanic garden (which he founded) of the University of Bologna. His collections were housed in a special museum and library building within the gardens, and acted as a reference collection for research in natural history. Aldrovandi’s goal was simply to catalogue the entire natural world, and the museum was envisioned as ‘an attempt to transfer the world of nature from the often inaccessible outdoors to the restricted interior of a museum’ (Giuseppi Olmi in Impey and MacGregor eds, The origins of museums p 8). Rather than being merely a collection of mirabilia in the Wunderkammer tradition, it was a scientific assembly, an encyclopaedia of the natural world presented as a theatrum naturae, although still betraying the Mannerist predilection for the freakish or bizarre. In this respect, Aldrovandi also turned this taste to scientific use, making one of the first studies of teratology.By 1595 Aldrovandi had ca 8000 drawings of his objects and 14 cupboards containing the woodblocks made from them for his publications. The drawings were commissioned from such artists as Lorenzo Bennini and Jacopo Ligozzi and cut in wood by Cristoforo Coriolano and his nephew. The museum contained over 11,000 animals, fruits and minerals, and 7000 dried plants in 15 volumes, one of the earliest known herbaria. Two cupboards alone had 4554 drawers containing ‘cose sotteranee, et conchilii et Ostreace’ (fossils, shells, and fossilised echinoderms).Aldrovandi collected few artificialia, but those he had were principally ethnographic items of interest to him for the raw materials used. He had an Aztec sacrificial stone knife, a Mexican mosaic mask, and an Amazonian axe (donated by his fellow museologist Giganti), along with Egyptian tablets of hieroglyphs and funerary objects, all illustrated in the above work.Aldrovandi’s text is an extensive history, description, and discussion of the objects, in the encyclopaedic style of Gesner. It took over 60 years after Aldrovandi’s death to complete the publication of the works he had prepared, 13 enormous folio volumes in all. The present work was edited by Bartholomeo Ambrosini, Aldrovandi’s successor as director of the Bologna botanic garden. Ambrosili utilised Aldrovandi’s manuscript, titled Geologica ovvero Fossilibus. There remains to this day in Bologna between two and three hundred unpublished essays in manuscript (described by Maximilien Misson in A new Voyage to Italy, 1699, thus: ‘In a chamber near to the first we saw a hundred and eighty-seven volumes in folio, all written by Aldrovandus his own hand, with more than two hundred bags full of loose papers’).Provenance: gilt arms Johann Jodocus Schmidmayr von Schwarzenbruck, featuring coat-of-arms within a wreath. Schmidmayr (1611-1647) was a benefactor of Altdorf university, which lay just outside Nuremberg. In 1648 the Nuremberg City Library purchased over 100 rare books from the Schmidmayr library, which went to Altdorf. The discrepancy between the date of Schmidmayr’s death and date of publication would indicate that this book entered his library shortly after his deathCobres 163 14.12; Nissen ZBI 75; Osler 1773; Sinkankas 72; Ward and Carozzi 43; Wilson, History of Mineral Collecting,
Astronomiae instauratae progymnasmata. Quorum haec prima pars de restitutione motuum solis et lunae stellarumque inerrantium tractat. Et praeterea de admiranda nova stella anno 1572 exorta luculenter agit.

Astronomiae instauratae progymnasmata. Quorum haec prima pars de restitutione motuum solis et lunae stellarumque inerrantium tractat. Et praeterea de admiranda nova stella anno 1572 exorta luculenter agit.

BRAHE, Tycho (1546-1601) [and Johannes KEPLER (1571-1630)] 4to (232 x 176 mm), pp [xvi] 9-112; 1-28; 113-256; ff 257-272; pp 273-822 [recte 820] [12, index and errata], with numerous woodcuts in the text, including 5 full-page illustrations of instruments, a full-page star chart, and the illustration of the new star in Cassiopeia; two leaves (5F1-2) with old staining and some minor paper restoration affecting a few letters, otherwise an exceptionally clean and attractive copy in contemporary vellum, overlapping fore-edges, stamped in gilt on upper board ‘G M S’ and dated ‘1605’), labelled in ink on spine, edges gauffered and stained blue.The rare first edition of Brahe’s most important work and ‘the foundation on which Kepler, and later Newton, built their astronomical systems’ (Sparrow). The bulk was printed at Brahe’s observatory on the island of Hven but left unfinished; it was completed by Kepler in Prague. This work, a consequence of the new star of 1572, established the observational and theoretical techniques which initiated the era of modern scientific astronomy. The number and accuracy of Brahe’s observations provided the evidence for verifying the heliocentric theory and for Kepler’s deduction of his three laws of planetary motion.’The star of 1572 and the comets observed at Hven had cleared the way for the restoration of astronomy by helping to destroy old prejudices; and Tycho therefore resolved to write a great work on these recent phenomena which should embody all results of his observations in any way bearing on them. The first volume he devoted to the new star, but as corrected star places which were necessary for the reduction of the observations of 1572-73 involved researches on the motion of the sun, on refraction, precession, &c. the volume gradually assumed greater proportions than was originally contemplated, and was never quite finished in Tycho’s lifetime. On account of the wider scope of its contents he gave it the title Astronomiae Instauratae Progymnasmata, or Introduction to the New Astronomy, a title which marks the work as paving the way for the new planetary theory and tables which Tycho had hoped to prepare, but which it fell to Kepler’s lot to work out in a very different manner from that contemplated by Tycho.’Tycho Brahe provides locations of 777 stars with far greater accuracy than previously achieved and details his observations of the 1572 nova in his posthumous Astronomiae instauratae progymnasmata, edited by Johannes Kepler. The work also contains estimates of the diameters of the sun, the moon, the planets, and the supernova, plus revisions to the theory of solar motions and significant advances in the theory of lunar motions’ (Parkinson Breakthroughs, p 58).This work was composed and printed over a period of several years from 1588 on at Brahe’s private press on the island of Hven (Uraniburg), but at the time of his death in 1601 it was still unfinished, as the imprint makes clear. The work was completed by Kepler, who added the Appendix (pp 817-822), index, and presumably the extensive list of errata, and was finally published in 1602 as above, but only a few copies were distributed. The undistributed stock was acquired by the Frankfurt publisher Tampach, who reissued the work in 1610, with a new titlepage with the imprint ‘Anno M. DCX. Prostant Francofurti apud Godefridum Tampachium’. There are at least two different issues of the 1610 edition. According to Dreyer, Tampach reprinted the first twelve leaves, comprising title, dedication by Brahe’s heirs to Rudolph II, privilege, and the first four leaves of Brahe’s text with errata corrected. However, there is also an issue in which only the first four leaves (title and dedication) are reprinted. The errata of the first four text leaves of text have not been corrected (whereas in other copies examined they are, in accordance with Dreyer).Provenance: inscriptions, partially effaced in the early seventeenth century, recording its purchase in Leipzig for 71/4 thaler; presentation inscription fro
Stirpium & fossilium Silesiae Catalogus. In quo praeter etymon

Stirpium & fossilium Silesiae Catalogus. In quo praeter etymon, natales, tempus; Natura & vires cum variis experimentis assignantur . cum indice remediorum .

SCHWENCKFELD, Caspar (1563-1609) 4to (206 x 158 mm), pp. [xl] 407 [17]; printer’s device on titles; a fine copy, many edges uncut with deckle intact, in contemporary vellum with overlapping fore-edges.First edition, a flora of the Silesian region along with a catalogue of the fossils, rocks, minerals etc. of that area. This is one of the first such local floras and also an early regional catalogue of minerals. The preliminary material includes a history of Silesia and a note on its antiquities. The flora occupies pages 1-348, and is divided into two parts: native plants of Silesia, and plants in various botanical gardens in Silesia, arranged by garden. The geological portion, which includes a classification scheme for minerals, occupies pages 349-407, and has its own title-page. The geological part is titled: ‘Fossilium Silesiae catalogus, omnis generis mineralis, metallica, metalia, succos, terras, lapillos, fontes medicatos & thermas continens’. Fossilia of course comprised any non-living substance found in the Earth, including minerals, ores, medicinal and hot springs, as well as fossilised remains, although this latter category isn’t prominent in Schwenckfeld’s catalogue. This section its own dedication, followed by a four-page classification schema based upon Gesner.Schwenckfeld was born at Grieffenberg in Silesia, studied at Basel under Caspar Bauhin, and practised as a physician in Hirschberg and later at Görlitz.Provenance: early signature ‘Nicolai Simonii’ on title (possibly related to an academic encomium on same of Glostrup by Oluf Hansen Slangerup, Copenhagen 1612); stamp of ‘Bibliotheca Seminarii Plocensis’ (Plock Seminary) on title and two other leaves; removed in 1941 to Königsberg, with stamp of Stadtbibliothek Königsberg (destroyed in the Second World War, library dispersed) on titleCobres p 245 n 7; Pritzel 8542; OCLC list copies at Harvard, Lloyd Library, and Oklahoma for North America
Flora Londinensis: or plates and descriptions of such plants as grow wild in the environs of London: with their places of growth

Flora Londinensis: or plates and descriptions of such plants as grow wild in the environs of London: with their places of growth, and times of flowering; their several names according to Linnaeus and other authors: with a particular description of each plant in Latin and English. To which are added, their several uses in medicine, agriculture, rural oeconomy, and other arts .

CURTIS, William (1746-1799) 2 vols, folio (470 x 285 mm), with two title-pages, two dedication leaves, one leaf of subscribers, 6 leaves of index, 2 leaves of ‘Observations on grasses.’ and 3 leaves of the ‘Catalogue of plants.’, and leaf of letterpress description to each plate, with engraved vignette on first title and 432 hand-coloured engraved plates (two double) depicting a total of 434 plants; a few minor marginal spots, a very clean, fresh copy, without offsetting, in contemporary English calf, gilt borders on sides, rebacked preserving original spines, spines elaborately gilt, with red and green morocco labels.First edition, first issue of this ‘splendid, complicated, basic, English flora’ (Hunt catalogue). It contains some of James Sowerby’s first botanical illustrations; other artists involved were Sydenham Edwards, W. Kilburn, and possibly others. The Flora londinensis embraces most of the English flora, as a result of which it should properly be regarded as the first colour-plate national flora of England.’Curtis was a British pharmacist, botanist, and entomologist. After selling his pharmacy business, Curtis set up a botanic garden of British plants at Bermondsey in 1771. In 1773 he was appointed demonstrator of plants at the Chelsea Physic Garden, a post he held until 1777. In 1779 he moved his London botanic garden to a larger location in Brompton.'[The Flora londinensis] attempted to portray all the native plants within a ten-mile radius of London, but was cut short for lack of subscriptions. According to Miss Henrey’s account, no more than 300 of any single number are believed to have been printed’ (Johnston, The Cleveland botanical collections, p 495).As a result of pressing for binding, this work often has offset from the text onto the plates.Provenance: Sir Richard Vyvyan, 8th Baronet (1800-1879); In 1826, Vyvyan was made a Fellow of the Royal Society for his ‘considerable literary and scientific acquirements especially in the Philosophy of Natural History’; he was also a Fellow of the Geological Society. The family estate in Cornwall, Trelowarren, was famous for its botanical gardenDunthorne 87; Johnston 532; Henrey 595; Hunt 650; Nissen BBI 439; Stafleu and Cowan 1286
Specimens of British Minerals selected from the Cabinet of Philip Rashleigh . With general Descriptions of each Article.

Specimens of British Minerals selected from the Cabinet of Philip Rashleigh . With general Descriptions of each Article.

RASHLEIGH, Philip (1729-1811) 2 parts, 4to (305 x 238 mm), pp. [iv] 56 [2]; [iv] 23 [3], with 54 aquatint plates, all but 3 coloured by hand (these three in colour-printed aquatint); a fine, spotless copy, uncut and partially unopened in original plain paper-backed marbled boards, minor and invisible restoration to one spine. First edition of one of the most attractive illustrated mineral books published, with outstanding aquatint plates printed by William Bulmer. Philip Rashleigh, antiquary and mineral collector, lived at Menabilly, near Fowey, Cornwall.’The expansion of tin and copper mining during his lifetime led to Rashleigh’s interest in mineralogy. Initially through his own efforts, he amassed a significant mineral collection, but later added to it by exchange and purchase from British and European collectors and dealers. It was, and still remains, unrivalled for its content of Cornish specimens. The upper zones of the rich Cornwall deposits were being exploited when Rashleigh formed the collection and he obtained a tremendous variety of unusual and rare minerals, many of them known only from this region and several only from his specimens. He was ahead of his time in cataloguing the source and locality of the specimens. He attempted moderate scientific experiments and analysis, but as the science became more technical he declared, ‘I think we shall Refine Mineralogy too much’ (letter, 22 March 1789, Russell bequest, NHM); but he assisted in its development by providing material for others. In 1797 Rashleigh published the first volume of his Specimens of British Minerals, with the second volume appearing in 1802. In this he achieved his ambition to provide accurate coloured illustrations of minerals-the first successful attempt in Britain, which has also become bibliographically significant owing to its typography (Bethel). His knowledge of mineralogy led to his election as a fellow of the Royal Society in 1788′ (R.J. Cleevely in ODNB).Rashleigh was the most notable of the Cornish mineralogists and his wide knowledge ensured that the examples of Cornish minerals were unsurpassed. Unusually for his time Rashleigh was painstaking in labelling his specimens and ensuring the accuracy of their localities.’Rashleigh’s mineral collection was housed in a special room in the 16th-century ancestral mansion called Menabilly, near the southern coast of Cornwall . It was put up in eight cabinets and 10 meters of wall cases with drawers underneath’ (Wilson, p 71).Part of Rashleigh’s collection is in the Natural History Museum in London, although the bulk is to be found in the County Museum in Truro. It is one of the few eighteenth-century collections that has been preserved intact, along with all of the original records.’The illustrations were prepared by Henry Bone (1755-1834), Thomas Medland (died 1833), and Richard Thomas Underwood (1765-1836), himself a geologist and Fellow of the Geological Society from whom Rashleigh had obtained specimens’ (Wilson, The history of mineral collecting, q.v. for a very thorough account of Rashleigh and his collection). Cambridge University online exhibition, ‘Landscapes Below: Mapping and the New Science of Geology’, notes that ‘Many of the original drawings for this volume were based on local specimens found at Rashleigh’s mines and produced by his sister Rachel and nephew’s wife Harriet (née Williams, d. 1831). Naturalists often relied on female relatives to draw specimens and for the tinting of prints’.The work is usually described as having 54 hand-coloured engraved plates, whereas in fact the plates are aquatint engraving, all but three being hand-coloured. Plates 26, 27, and 29 in the first vol are monotone aquatint plates, one having a small amount of hand-colouring. This is consistent with the other copies I have seen.Provenance: I have had two other copies in similar original condition, uncut in marbled boards, identical to the above. They appear to have been dispersed by the Rashleigh estate in the 1940s. One copy ha
Historiae coelestis libri duo: quorum prior exhibet catalogum stellarum fixarum Britannicum novum & locupletissimum

Historiae coelestis libri duo: quorum prior exhibet catalogum stellarum fixarum Britannicum novum & locupletissimum, una cum earundem planetarumque omnium observationibus sextante, micrometro, &c. habitis; posterior transitus syderum per planum arcus meridionalis et distantias eorum a vertice complectitur. Observante Johanne Flamsteedio in Observatorio Regio Grenovicensi continua serie ab anno 1676 ad annum 1705 completum.

FLAMSTEED, John (1646-1719) 3 vols, large folio (397 x 253 mm), I: pp [viii] 40, 412 [389-] 396 [recte] 420 [2, errata], with engraved portrait frontispiece, 7 engraved headpieces and one initial, and 6 engraved plates; II: [iv] 573 [-574]; 70 [2, errata and blank], with one engraved headpiece and one full-page engraved plate in text at p 70; III: [iv] [iv] 164; [2, ‘Ad lectorem’ which should be bound after the preface in vol I] 76; 83 [-84, blank]; 103 [1,], with one engraved headpiece and 2 engraved plates; first section of first vol slightly browned, otherwise quite fresh and crisp; contemporary calf with fillets in gilt and blind, rebacked retaining original labels, a bit rubbed.The first complete edition of Flamsteed’s catalogue of fixed stars, the first volume of which had published without his consent by Edmund Halley and the Royal Society in 1712. Flamsteed had the undistributed edition confiscated, and, apart from one section included in the above, burned the lot, as ‘a Sacrifice . to heavenly Truth’. Flamsteed’s catalogue and sextant observations is one of the foundations of modern observational astronomy, and his data was crucial to Isaac Newton in writing the Principia. Flamsteed’s catalogue was far more extensive and accurate than anything that had gone before. He was the first to utilize instruments with telescopic sights and micrometer eyepieces; he was the first to study systematic errors in his instruments; he was the first to urge the fundamental importance of using clocks and taking meridian altitudes; and he also insisted on having assistants to repeat the observations and the calculations in order to improve accuracy. The catalogue contains about 3000 naked eye stars (Ptolemy and Tycho listed 1000, Hevelius 2000) with an accuracy of about 10 seconds of arc. However, Flamsteed, although appointed first Astronomer Royal in 1675, was reluctant to publish what he considered preliminary observations. Isaac Newton and Edmond Halley pressed him to do so. Flamsteed’s refusal led to one of the most famous, and bitterest, disputes in the history of astronomy, and to the present work being published against Flamsteed’s will. Flamsteed’s response, in 1716, was to destroy 300 of the 400 copies printed, apart from the section of sextant observations; he burnt the rest or, as he put it, ‘made a Sacrifice of them to heavenly Truth’. The present ‘authorised’ version of the star catalogue was only published posthumously, by his widow, in 1725. Frances Willmoth has given a very detailed account of the intricate publishing history and Flamsteed’s dispute with Newton and Halley in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biogaphy (online).The frontispiece, featuring Flamsteed’s portrait, is by George Vertue after J.B. Catenaro; the engraved plates are by John Senex; and the fine headpieces, several depicting Flamsteed’s astronomical instruments, are also engraved by Guernier after Catenaro.In common with the Macclesfield copy, this one does not have the errata leaf issued for vol III.Parkinson p 146; Frances Willmoth ed, Flamsteed’s Stars: New Perspectives on the Life and Work of the First Astronomer Royal, 1646-1719 (1997)Provenance: Arthur Frank, scientific instruments dealer and collector, with bookplate in vol II (See R.H. Nuttall, The Arthur Frank Loan Collection – Early Scientific Instruments (Glasgow, 1973); Giancarlo Beltrame
Neuester Himmels-Atlas zum Gebrauch für Schul- und Akademischen Unterricht

Neuester Himmels-Atlas zum Gebrauch für Schul- und Akademischen Unterricht, nach Flamsteed, Bradley, Tob. Mayer, De la Caille, Le Francais de la Lande und v. Zach, in einer neuen Manier, mit doppelten schwarzen Stern-Charten bearbeitet; durchgehends verbessert, und mit den neuesten astronomischen Entdeckungen vermehrt von C. F. Goldbach. Revidirt auf der Sternwarte Seeberg bey Gotha und mit einer Einleitung begleitet von Freyherrn F. von Zach ? Zweyte unveränderte Auflage.

GOLDBACH, Christian Friedrich (1763-1811) and ZACH, János Ferenc [Franz Xaver] von (1754-1832) Oblong folio (220 x 275 mm), pp [x], with 4 engraved hemisphere maps and 52 engraved maps on black background; title a bit browned but otherwise in fine condition, in original publisher’s calf-backed boards with engraved title label on upper cover.A reissue of the first edition of 1799, with a new title-page added and the original preface reprinted without change. All of the star charts are printed from the original plates, as is the title label on the cover.Goldbach’s star atlas is based on the Bode-Flamsteed atlas of 1782, but substantially enlarged. 10,570 stars are shown, 7651 more than depicted in the 1782 Bode-Flamsteed atlas. Goldbach’s atlas ‘consisted of 56 maps, 26 of which were white-on-black constellation maps centered on the major constellations north of the Tropic of Capricorn. Each map used a Sanson-Flamsteed projection with a geocentric orientation, and the Ursa Major map was 158 x 206 mm. Facing each of these [26] maps was a print of the same area showing the white stars on a black background but without co-ordinates, constellations, or other markings. These were intended to simulate the view of the night sky. This pairing was well received by the astronomical community’ (Kanas, pp 184-85). The pairs of facing plates, with and without constellation figures, weren’t printed from different states or stages of the same plate, as Warner states, but from two separately engraved plates. The stars, constellation figures, scales, etc. are all in relief, that is to say, all of the uninked, white figures on the plates stand in relief, and can be felt (and on the black versos can clearly be seen indented in the paper surface). It is possible that for at least the star figures a metallic punch was used; they don’t appear to be individually engraved.’Although Goldbach’s atlas was not the first showing white stars against a dark background – Semler, for instance, had used this technique in 1733 – it was the first of this kind to catch the eye of the Paris astronomical establishment. Lalande noted that the mtheod succeeded very well; Montucla praised its resemblence to a clear night sky’ (Warner). In fact, white-on-black depictions were also used in seventeenth-century astronomical works, such as Odiern’a De Systemate Orbis Cometici of 1654, but these were done in woodcut, not engraving.Christian Friedrich Goldbach taught astronomy at Moscow University. János Ferenc Zach was a Hungarian astronomer.Warner 96.1
Micrographia: or some Physiological Descriptions of Minute Bodies made by Magnifying Glasses. With Observations and Inquiries thereupon .

Micrographia: or some Physiological Descriptions of Minute Bodies made by Magnifying Glasses. With Observations and Inquiries thereupon .

HOOKE, Robert Folio (296 x 195 mm), pp [xxxvi] 246 [10], title printed in red and black, engraved arms of the Royal Society on title, and 38 engraved plates, of which 33 are folding; a few clean tears to plates carefully repaired and without loss, a fine, crisp, unpressed copy in contemporary English mottled calf, rebacked.First edition, first issue, a fine, large copy with the plates uncropped and untrimmed. This is the most important work on microscopy ever published, and contains a large number of discoveries made possible by Hooke’s newly perfected compound microscope, presented in outstanding engravings of the microscopic world. Hooke investigated animal, vegetable, and mineral substances, and his observations in all three realms are fundamental to the sciences. He gave the first description of the plant-like form of moulds, the first accurate account of the compound eye of the fly, and other structures such as bees’ wings, and the legs and feet of the fly. In his investigations of the structure of cork he used the term ‘cellulae’ to describe the basic unit of tissue. He compared the structure of charcoal with that of fossilised wood and deduced correctly that mineral substances had replaced the organic matter of the original organism, extending this observation to other fossilised remains; this was the first scientifically accurate explanation of the nature of fossils. But above all the Micrographia, with its combination of observation and reasoning, allied to excellent illustrations, established the microscope as a primary research tool in the sciences.In addition to its contributions to microscopy, Micrographia contains many other important inventions and discoveries, including the wheel barometer and a new hygrometer. Micrographia also ‘presents the first substantial opposing theory to the Pythagorean concept of light as a stream of particles’, hypothesising ‘that light is a vibration transmitted through a medium’ (Parkinson, Breakthroughs). Hooke’s research was the inspiration for Newton’s optical experiments leading up to his Opticks.The fine plates, here in particularly good impressions, were largely if not entirely drawn and engraved by Hooke himself, although it is possible that some were drawn by Sir Christopher Wren. The book was reissued in 1667 with some leaves reset and the plates in noticeably inferior impressions.This copy has contemporary neat pencil annotation and underlining throughout; a marginal note on p 43 records ‘Montanari affirms ye Contrary in his Speculationi Fisiche’; this refers to Antonio Montanari (1644-1717), whose Speculazioni fisiche was published in Bologna in 1671. This work was a study of the physics of glass threads and droplets and the methods of making tempered glass, written in the form of two letters, one to the Grand Duke Ferdinand II and the second to the Venetian patrician Girolamo Savorgnano, and dedicated to the Accademia de gl’Ardenti in Bologna. Along with the physical properties of these glass droplets and the effects of shattering them, the ‘atomistic’ basis of their composition and behaviour are discussed.Provenance: armorial bookplate of Gustavus Wynne Cook; bookplate of Gaddesden Library, with shelfmark; typed description from E. P. Goldschmidt and Co. tipped onto front free endleaf, describing this copy (priced £21); German catalogue description of a copy, possibly this one, also tipped inDibner 187; Horblit 50; Keynes 6; PMM 147; Wing H2620
De Humani Corporis Fabrica librorum Epitome.

De Humani Corporis Fabrica librorum Epitome.

VESALIUS, Andreas (1514-1564) Broadsheet (ca 525 x 388 mm), ff [14] signed A-M [N, O], with woodcut title, large woodcut portrait of Vesalius, nine full-page anatomical woodcuts, two full-page figures of a nude male and female, two sheets of woodcut anatomical details for cutting out and mounting, and several woodcut initials; all sheets with fold-marks across centre as usual, and with vertical crease from having once been folded, some miscellaneous staining and waterstains, some old repairs to folds, but all of the images complete and intact, the sheets unpressed with strong indentation of type and woodcuts into paper, in an early eighteenth-century Italian binding of speckled paper over boards.First edition of the extremely rare Epitome, ‘De humani corporis fabrica may be the only masterwork in the history of medicine and science that was published simultaneously with a synopsis prepared by the author. Vesalius designed his Epitome to serve as a more affordable outline key to the encyclopedic and expensive Fabrica. In its dedication Vesalius stated: "I have made [the Epitome] to be as it were a footpath beside the larger book, and as an index of what is set forth in it." However, unlike the Fabrica, which begins with the skeletal system and works outward, the Epitome’s approach to anatomy is topographical: that is, the muscles are first discussed, followed by a combined study of the vessels, nervous system, and viscera. The various parts of the anatomy are illustrated in nine woodcuts, divided into two skeletal, four muscular, and two circulatory charts, plus a neurological chart. The skeletal, muscular, and one of the circulatory plates are similar, but not identical, to plates found in the Fabrica: the Epitome’s plates are some sixty millimeters taller, the figures are in slightly different attitudes, and less space is devoted to background scenery (sheet K duplicates the Fabrica’s thinking skeleton, but the inscription on the pedestal has been changed). The remaining circulatory plate and the neurological plate are reproduced, with different texts, on the two folding plates found in the Fabrica. In addition to these nine anatomical plates, the Epitome includes two woodcuts of a nude male and female figure, accompanied by long descriptions of the surface regions of the body; nothing like them appears in the Fabrica. The Epitome’s title-page woodcut and portrait of Vesalius are from the same blocks used in the Fabrica.Full description provided upon request.
Prospectus] Histoire naturelle des Singes . Imprimée sur caractères neuf

Prospectus] Histoire naturelle des Singes . Imprimée sur caractères neuf, et de format grand in-folio, sur papier dit Nom-de-Jésus vélin superfin satiné, de la fabrique de Lagarde, figures en couleurs, etc. Prospectus.

AUDEBERT, Jean Baptiste (1759-1800)] 4to (280 x 215 mm), pp [4] on one folded sheet; creases from folding for posting, in fine condition, uncut and unbound, as issued.First edition of the prospectus for Jean Baptiste Audebert’s Histoire naturelle des singes [et des makis] (1797-1800).This work was published over three years in a series of ten parts.The Prospectus describes in detail both the taxonomic goals of the author and also the technical innovations in printing the plates. Around 50 plates are envisioned (in fact 65 in total were issued), with the work issued in eight or nine parts, each with six plates. The three final lines of text are printed with the same type and size to be employed in the work. Subscribers are advised ‘Il faut, pour le tout, adresser les lettres et l’argent, port franc, à Desray, Libraire à Paris, rue Hautefeuille, n°. 36, près l’église St.-André-des-Arcs’. This is followed by a list of sixteen booksellers in Paris and other European countries with whom subscriptions could also be taken out.Audebert’s work was the finest book on monkeys and apes, illustrated with excellent colour-printed plates. Jean Baptise Audebert, born in Rochefort, was a notable miniaturist who developed a technique of colour printing using oil-based inks, which was first employed in this work. All of the plates were drawn and engraved by himself. ‘The tradition embodied in the brilliant dynasty of miniaturists. gave zoological art in France an overall uniformity and distinction that was not equalled elsewhere. The illustrations in books such as the Histoire naturelle des singes et des makis by J.B. Audebert had few serious rivals outside France in the early years of the nineteenth century’ (Peter Dance, The Art of Natural History).OCLC records BnF only

Beschreibung allerfurnemisten mineralischen Ertzt unnd Bergwercks Arten, wie dieselbigen. irer Natur und Eigenschafft . mit Erklärung etlicher. Schmelszwerck. Auffs newe. erklert.

ERCKER, Lazarus ERCKER, Lazarus. Beschreibung allerfurnemisten mineralischen Ertzt unnd Bergwercks Arten, wie dieselbigen. irer Natur und Eigenschafft . mit Erklärung etlicher. Schmelszwerck. Auffs newe. erklert. Frankfurt, J. Schmidt for S. Feyrabendt, 1580Folio (300 x 195 mm), ff [4] 134 [4, the last blank], title printed in red and black and with a woodcut vignette, woodcut coat of arms on dedication leaf and large woodcut device on colophon leaf, and 41 woodcut illustrations in the text; a fine, very crisp, clean copy in early eighteenth-century German yapped vellum, with date 1714 on front cover.An attractive copy of the second edition (first, Prague, 1574), with seven woodcuts that appear here for the first time. This is the first manual of analytical and metallurgical chemistry and, along with Agricola’s De re metallica (see below), the most important book on metallurgy and assaying in the sixteenth century. ‘In 1574 Ercker published his magnum opus, Beschreibung allerfürnemisten mineralischen Ertzt. The only one of Ercker’s works to contain many drawings, it presents a systematic review of the methods of testing alloys and minerals of silver, gold, copper, antimony, mercury, bismuth, and lead; of obtaining and refining these metals, as well as of obtaining acids, salts, and other compounds. The last chapter is devoted to saltpeter. Ercker described laboratory procedures and equipment, gave an account of preparing the cupel, of constructing furnaces, and of the assaying balance and the method of operating it. He used as his model Agricola’s De re metallica, yet was quite original and included only the procedures he himself had tested. Ercker was so hostile to alchemy that he did not use alchemical symbols, although his Probierbuchlein (1556) included a full list of them’ (DSB).The second edition contains seven new woodcuts not present in the first edition.Ward and Carozzi 752; Wellcome 2066; see Dibner 89 (first edition); this edition not in the Hoover Collection, nor in Duveen or FergusonThis copy is appropriately bound with (and before) the second German edition (first 1557) of Agricola’s De re metallica (Latin, 1556), also published by Feyrabendt in 1580. It consists of the sheets of the first German edition of 1557, with a newly printed title and preface. It was translated into German by Philipp Bech (1521-1560). This copy is in fine condition, but lacks the two unpaginated woodcut plates (one of which illustrates a compass and the other three measuring rods). These were never bound into the copy. Otherwise the copy is in equally fine condition. The woodcuts are printed from the blocks of the first edition of 1556.AGRICOLA, G. Bergwerck Buch: darinn nicht allain alle Empter, Instrument Gezeug, und alles, so zu diesem Handel gehörig, mit Figuren vorgebildet? mit sonderm Fleyss teutscher Nation zu Gut verteutscht? Frankfurt, J. Schmidt for S. Feyrabendt, 1580. Folio (300 x 195mm), pp [viii] ccccxci [7], with title printed in red and black, printer’s device on colophon leaf, and approximately 290 woodcuts by Hans Rudolf Manuel Deutsch and Blasius Weffring, many full-page.Hoover 23
Nova Methodus pro Maximis et Minimis. [in:] Acta Eruditorum. vol III

Nova Methodus pro Maximis et Minimis. [in:] Acta Eruditorum. vol III, 1684

LEIBNIZ, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646-1716) 4to (199 x 160 mm), pp 467-473, with one engraved plate, in the 1684 volume of the Acta, the whole vol [x]] 591 [7], with 14 engraved plates (7 folding; in addition, an extraneous plate from the 1683 vol is also bound in); a fine copy in contemporary German sheep, spine gilt, binding a bit dry and rubbed.The true first edition (see below) of Leibniz’ classic paper containing his independent invention of the differential calculus, contained in vol III of the Acta eruditorum.’Only after the founding of the Acta eruditorum (1682) did Leibniz present his mathematical papers to the public . In 1684 [Leibniz presented] the method of determining algebraic integals of algebraic functions, a brief presentation of the differential calculus with a hint concerning the solution of Debaune’s problem by means of the logarithmic curve, and further remarks on the fundamental ideas of the integral calculus’ (DSB).Leibniz was to become embroiled in a long dispute with Newton over priority in the discovery. It is now generally agreed that Newton anticipated Leibniz, but Leibniz’ system was the first published. Besides, the Leibnizian notation prevailed over the Newtonian and is the system in use today.It has long been known that the 1684 paper exists in at least two different settings (see Edwin Wolf, The library of James Logan (1974) p 4; also The Honeyman collection, vol V, nos 1972-3) but no priority between the printings has been established before. Horblit 66a illustrates the first page of Leibniz’s article in what I call setting A, and The Honeyman collection n 1972 illustrates what I call setting Bb. It is clear from comparing them that the compositor of setting B did not understand the mathematical formulae, whereas the compositor of setting A did. Furthermore, after examining various copies I found one copy of the ‘1684’ volume containing setting B, which also contained a dedication dated 1686. Therefore it seems certain that the entire volume was reprinted in 1686, perhaps to fill orders for early volumes once the launch of the Acta had proved a success and demand had outstripped supply. The compositor followed the general layout, line- and page-endings of the earlier printing, but got into a muddle when it came to setting the equations. Also, the plate was re-engraved. Recently, a third and even later setting, has been discovered.'[The publisher] Mencke always tried to supply a product of impeccable typographical quality . Above all, the accurate reproduction of mathematical articles full of formulae and symbols, to which figures and models often had to be added by means of copper engravings, was the source of constant tension between Mencke and his successive printers. To Mencke, the perfect reproduction of the calculations and the avoidance of a single typographical error were absolutely essential .’ (Laeven, below).For a detailed study of the publishing history of the Acta (without, however, mentioning the different printings) see Hub Laeven, The "Acta Eruditorum" under the editorship of Otto Mencke. The History of an international learned journal between 1682 and 1707, (Amsterdam, 1990).Ravier 90; Dibner 109; Horblit 66a; Norman 1326; Parkinson p 121 (1682, Leibniz), p 122 (1683, Tschirnhaus), p 124 (1684, Leibniz); PMM 160; Sparrow 130?
Emission of neutrons by uranium'. [Offprint from:] Physical Review 56

Emission of neutrons by uranium’. [Offprint from:] Physical Review 56, 1939

SZILARD, Leo (1898-1964) and Walter H. ZINN (1906-2000) 4to (268 x 201 mm) pp 619-624, with illustrations in text; a very good copy, stapled as issued.First edition, offprint issue and presentation copy, inscribed ‘With Compliments of Leo Szilard’ on first page.The second of Szilard and Zinn’s two most important papers on the experimental production of fast neutrons from uranium-an essential component of the nuclear chain reaction. Lise Meitner, using the experiments she suggested to Hahn and Strassmann, had discovered nuclear fission in 1938, and Szilard immediately realised that fission would be the key to releasing nuclear energy. In that year Szilard had emigrated from England to the United States, and he began a series of experiments with Walter Zinn at Columbia University in New York to determine which characteristics of fission would make it possible to establish a chain reaction. ‘"All we needed to do," [Szilard] said later, "was to get a gram of radium, get a block of beryllium, expose a piece of uranium to the neutrons which come from the beryllium, and then see by means of the ionization chamber which Zinn had built whether fast neutrons were emitted in the process . . ." ‘He got his radium, two grams sealed in a small brass capsule, early in March, after he arranged admission to the Columbia laboratories for three months as a guest researcher. He and Zinn immediately set up their experiment. They made an ingenious nest, like Chinese boxes, of its various components: a large cake of paraffin wax, the beryllium cylinder set at the bottom of a blind hole in the paraffin, the radium capsule fitted into the beryllium cylinder; resting on the beryllium, inside the paraffin, a box lines with neutron-absorbing cadmium filled with uranium oxide; pushed into that box, but shielded from the radium’s gamma radiation by a lead plug, the ionization tube itself, which connected to an oscilloscope. With this arrangement . . . they could measure the flux of neutrons from the uranium with and without the cadmium shield . . . ‘ (Rhodes, The Making of the Atomic Bomb, pp 288; 291). Szilard and Zinn found that about two neutrons were emitted per fission, which matched the results of similar experiments conducted at the same time by Fermi and Anderson at Columbia and by Frédéric Joliot and his colleagues in France. Szilard and Zinn made preliminary announcement of their findings in a brief paper (‘Instantaneous emission of fast neutrons in the interaction of slow neutrons with uranium,’ Physical Review 55 [April 1939]: 799-800), following it in October with the full account in the present paper, which also describes their further experiments.’Unquestionably, the most important event in Szilard’s life took place in England. This was the growth, in his mind, of the conviction that a nuclear chain reaction was possible and thata nuclear bomb could be developed on the basis thereof. The original basis of Szilard’s conviction proved to be erroneous, but he held on to his idea tenaciously and it indeed came to fruition when nuclear fission, discovered in 1939, provided the missing key. Szilard was probably the first to suggest that neutron emission might accompany the fission reaction, that the number of neutrons emitted in the process might exceed 1, and that, as a result, it should be possible to establish an energy-producing chain reaction’ (Wigner, Leo Szilard 1898-1964: A Biographical Memoir (1969)Szilard was a Hungarian-German-American physicist and inventor. He conceived the nuclear chain reaction in 1933, patented the idea of a nuclear reactor with Enrico Fermi in 1934, and in late 1939 wrote the letter for Albert Einstein’s signature that resulted in the Manhattan Project that built the atomic bomb.Provenance: from the library of Theodore von Kármán, docketed and stamped with Kármán’s cataloguing symbols. Theodore von Kármán (1881-1963), Hungarian physicist, was founder of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory; he made fundamental advances in the fields of aeronautics and astronautics
Seven manuscript notebooks comprising three catalogues of minerals and four notebooks on mineralogy

Seven manuscript notebooks comprising three catalogues of minerals and four notebooks on mineralogy

MAXWELL, Henry, 7th Baron Farnham (1799-1868) 7 manuscript books, 8vo (various sizes), ink on paper, details below; all in original paper wrappers (marbled, mottled, or plain), one lower wrapper with some minor dampstaining, generally in fine condition, uncut.A fascinating collection of catalogues of minerals and meteorites, along with a few fossils, mostly relating to the family collections of minerals at their estates in County Cavan and Newtonbarry. The manuscripts reveal that Maxwell was well-read in geological and mineralogical literature, and some of the notes refer to quite early works, such as Gesner’s De omni rerum fossilium genere, gemmis, lapidibus, metallis (1565-66). Maxwell is unknown in the annals of mineralogy, but it is possible that he shared his interests with his contemporary and neighbouring Irish peer William Willoughby Cole, third Earl of Inniskillen (1807-1886), geologist and palaeontologist. Cole amassed a world-famous fossil collection at his residence Florence Court, south-west of Enniskillen and in proximity to Farnham House, Maxwell’s residence. Both Cole and Maxwell served in Parliament together, both were members of the Orange Order, of which Cole was master and also Grand Master of the Grand Orange Lodge.1. General Account 1818 (So titled on front cover), with Maxwell’s signature to paste-down. The text is headed ‘Constituent parts of Minerals’ and lists various minerals and their composition. 21 numbered pages, 9 blanks.2. Catalogue of the Minerals in the Collection of Henry Maxwell Esqr Newton Barry October 1822. With the note, ‘The arrangement is that adopted by Phillips, in the 2nd Edition of his excellent "Introduction to Mineralogy", with occasional references to other Works’ signed ‘Henry Maxwell. Plain grey wrappers. Foliation title and 52 numbered leaves. 3. Mineralogical Memoranda. Inscribed ‘Henry Maxwell / Newtown Barry / 1822’ to paste-down. Original marbled wrappers. Pagination: 12 numbered pages, followed by several blanks. Commences ‘On the Egyptian Breccia Tomb of Alex[ander] / The following extract from Winkelmann / (sur la Breche d’Egypte, Tom. I p. 184) is of importance, as it described a substance little known, and proves the extreme rarity of this kind of stone .’ with concluding remarks by Maxwell.4/5. Catalogue of Minerals in the Collection of Henry Maxwell Esqr at Farnham House, Cavan. Two volumes. With the motto (quotation from Virgil) ‘Vires acquirit eundo’ on title and the note, ‘The arrangement is that adopted by Phillips, in the 3rd Edition of his excellent "Introduction to Mineralogy", with occasional references to other Works.’ Signed ‘Henry Maxwell’ at the base of both title pages. Plain paper wrappers, stitched. Foliation vol I title, 1-29, 21-26 (26 is blank) numbered leaves; vol II title, 26 (some blank) numbered leaves, followed by several unnumbered blank leaves. 6. Mineralogical Miscellanea. Foliation: title, blank, 18 numbered leaves, followed by numerous blank leaves.7. Chronological List of Meteoric Stones. Pagination: 10 numbered pages, followed by several blanks. The manuscript is divided into two sections, ‘Before the Christian Era’ (in two divisions, and ‘After the Christian Era’. It is arranged in chronological order giving dates (excepting the second division of the first section) and places where meteors have been recorded under various descriptive names.Provenance: Henry Maxwell, 7th Baron Farnham, was an Irish peer, educated at Trinity College, Cambridge and Trinity College, Dublin. Holdings of manuscript material by or related to Maxwell: Farnham Papers (correspondence diaries, accounts and papers, 1817-63), National Library of Ireland; MSS 40488-580 (correspondence with Sir Robert Peel, 1841-45), British Library; L 29/700/14 (corresp with Earl de Grey, 1843), Bedfordshire and Luton ArchivesFull description provided upon request.

Lezioni elementari di astronomia ad uso del Real Osservatorio di Palermo .

PIAZZI, Giuseppe (1746-1826) 2 vols, small 4to (200 x 140 mm), pp [xviii] [xix-x] 240; xxvi 446 [recte 416, pages 361-390 omitted in pagniation, text complete], with engraved vignettes depicting the observatory on title-page and 11 engraved plates, some folding; some slight foxing on plates, a very good copy in later nineteenth-century red leather-backed cloth boards.First edition of Piazzi’s astronomical textbook for use at the Palermo Royal Observatory, of which he was the director. Having obtained a grant from the Viceroy of Sicily, Piazzi set up the observatory in the Santa Ninfa tower of the Royal Palace in 1789; as the southern-most European observatory, it offered unequalled access to the southern skies. Piazzi was able to acquire a great masterpiece of eighteenth-century technology, the five-foot vertical circle completed for him by the English instrument maker Jesse Ramsden, for the observatory (illustrated on plate II of the present work). It was here that Piazzi discovered the first minor planet, Ceres, between the orbits of Mars and Jupiter. This, together with the great star catalogue he published at Palermo in 1803 (Praecipuarum Stellarum Inerrantium Positiones), listing 6,748 stars, established his reputation. Using this catalogue, he was able to show that the majority of stars exhibit proper motions relative to the Sun. The present work, a detailed technical handbook intended for the use of astronomers at the Palermo Observatory, became the leading astronomical textbook of the period, considered sufficiently important to be translated into German, with a preface by Carl Friedrich Gauss (Lehrbuch der Astronomie, Berlin 1822).Piazzi’s Lezioni consists of seven chapters: Vol I: First observations and results; Basic facts of modern astronomy; On stars; Vol II: Theory of the motion of the planets; The solar system; Eclipses; Comets. Detailed information about the discovery and orbit of Ceres is included in vol II (pp 198-204). Many problems with their solutions are included to assist the reader.DSB X pp 591-593; Biographical Encyclopedia of Astronomers II pp 902-3; Houzeau & Lancaster 9275
Appendix. Scientiam Spatii Absolute Veram exhibens: a veritate aut falsitate Axiomatis XI Euclidei (a priori haud unquam decidenda) independentem: adjecta ad casum falsitatis

Appendix. Scientiam Spatii Absolute Veram exhibens: a veritate aut falsitate Axiomatis XI Euclidei (a priori haud unquam decidenda) independentem: adjecta ad casum falsitatis, quadratura circuli geometrica. [in:]BÓLYAI, Farkas (1775-1856). Tentamen Juventutem Studiosam in Elementa Matheseos Purae. Tomus primus [-secundus].

BOLYAI, János (1802-1860) 2 vols, 8vo (I: 228 x 145 mm; II: 214 x 125 mm), I: pp [iv] XCVIII; 502; [ii] 26 [2, errata] XVI [subscriber’s list and Latin-Hungarian lexicon of mathematical terms], with one large folding letterpress table, and 4 folded engraved plates (plate 3 with 7 small folding slips); II: pp [vi] xvi [Index Tom II] 402, with 10 folded engraved plates (plate 7 with 10 slips, plate 8 with 4 slips, plate 9 with 3 slips and plate 10 with 5 slips and 1 volvelle), manuscript corrections to line 6 of p 380 vol II; vol II with some worming to inner blank margins and text in several gatherings, affecting some letters but still legible, also affecting first four plates in same vol, just touching some of the figures, some paper flaws as often; first volume uncut, second with some outer edges uncut, together in uniform contemporary blue boards, paper labels on spines, spines and joints cracked but sound, preserved in a morocco box.First edition of ‘the most extraordinary two dozen pages in the history of thought’ (Halsted) and one of the few absolute rarities among the classics of science. This work contains the independent foundation (along with the work of Lobachevsky) of non-Euclidean geometry. I have located some 23 other copies worldwide, all of them exhibiting variations in issue or completeness (the present copy represents the most complete state of the text for both volumes).Lobachevsky and János Bolyai had independently created non-Euclidean systems by challenging the ‘parallel postulate’ of Euclid. János Bolyai’s work was conceived in 1823, when he wrote to his father ‘I have now resolved to publish a work on the theory of parallels . I have created a new universe from nothing’. It was published as an appendix to his father’s mathematical treatise, the Tentamen, 1832-3. Lobachevsky’s work appeared in a Kazan academic periodical between 1829-1830, and in fuller form as Geometrische Untersuchungen, Berlin 1840. Whereas Lobachevsky initially had only demonstrated the possibility of a geometry in which Euclid’s fifth postulate (or 11th axiom) was untrue, János developed a geometry completely independent of the fifth postulate and applicable to varieties of curved space. However, the epochal significance of the work of these two was to remain largely unappreciated until the beginning of the twentieth century when it provided the mathematical basis for the Theory of Relativity.Currently 24 copies of the Tentamen are known to exist, including the present copy, and one (Berlin) that was lost in WWII. Of these 24, one comprises Janos Bolyai’s Appendix only. A further three comprise volume one only. In addition, some copies are seriously defective, apart from the standard issue variations. There are numerous variations in collation, etc. amongst these copies.Full description provided upon request.

Bibliotheca scriptorum historiae naturali omnium terrae regionum inservientium. Historiae naturalis Helvetiae prodromus. Accessit . Jacobi le Long, Bibliothecarii oratoriani De scriptoribus historiae naturalis Galliae .

SCHEUCHZER, Johann Jakob (1672-1733) 8vo (162 x 98 mm), pp [xiv] 241 [1, blank]; a very good copy in contemporary boards, text long-sewn, lacking paper spine cover revealing sewing and red vellum panels between cords, with old labelling in manuscript.First edition of this early bibliography of natural history, arranged geographically by country. ‘The earliest general bibliography of the subject listing among other topics geology and mineralogy. It was compiled as a preparation for the author’s comprehensive work on the natural history of Switzerland, the first volume of which also appeared in 1716. It is arranged according to countries, including a section on America. The last section of the text contains a list of French writers on natural history, compiled by the famous bibliographer J. le Long (1665-1721)’ (Schuh, Biobibliography of mineralogy). Well over a thousand titles are listed, with size, printer, and occasionally pagination given, as well as later editions of a given title. The work was intended as a prodromus to the author’s Helveticae Historia Naturalis, Oder Natur-Historie der Schweizlands (3 vols, Zürich, 1716-18).Provenance: engraved bookplate on verso of title, ‘Pantaleon Bortius Vic. Gen. Triden.’ above coat-of-arms; i.e. Pantaleone Borzi (1697-1748), Vicar General of Trento, signed the Imprimatur for Otto Aicher, Regole Economiche, Trento 1746, otherwise I can find little about himCobres I p 4 n 2; Ward and Carozzi 1968

De lucidis in sublimi ingenuarum exercitationum liber. In quo disseritur de radiis solis directis nullam attritionem, nullamque caliditatem in aere producentibus, ad reflexorum refractorumque discrimen: De duplici galaxia, caelesti, & elementari: De cometis in caelo, & in ignis elemento genitis, tum per consensationem aetheris utriusque sine gravitatis acquisitione; tum etiam per astrorum concursum, antiquioribus ignotum; De cometarum eclipsi; de cauda lucente solum in umbra cometici capitis, & de nubium triplici differentia specifica, densiorumque levitate summa cum puritate conjuncta.

GALILEI, Galileo (1564-1642)] LICETI, Fortunio (1577-1657) 4to (195 x 140 mm), pp [viii] 120, author’s woodcut device (‘Fortasse Licebit’) on title; a very good, unpressed copy, some very slight browning, in contemporary vellum, old stamp and inscription on title.First edition of this treatise on astronomy, covering optics, comets, the galaxies, and the interpretation of astronomical observations. The work is written in the form of a dialogue between Liceti and Libert Froidmont (1587-1658), author of two anti-Copernican texts). This work, comprising 183 sections, was written in response to, and quotes extensively from, Galileo’s ‘Letter to Leopold’. ‘Liceti’s book on the Bolognese stone attacked Galileo’s explanation (in the Starry Messenger and the Dialogue) of the secondary light of the moon seen in thin crescent as a reflection of sunlight from the earth. These attacks became the subject of several letters to Galileo early in 1640. On 11 March, Prince Leopold wrote from Pisa that although to him Liceti’s arguments seemed too frivolous to deserve reply, nevertheless he would like to have Galileo’s opinion. Galileo then composed a lengthy treatise in the form of a letter to Prince Leopold, copies of which circulated for several months before Liceti asked to have one in order that he might formally reply. Galileo’s Letter to Prince Leopold was several times revised and expanded, the final version occupying about fifty printed pages.’It was not until January 1641 that Galileo finally sent off his polished and amplified text of the Letter to Leopold. Liceti acknowledged receipt of a copy on 5 Feburary, and in due course he published his reply to it, in 183 sections [the present work]’ (Drake, Galileo at work, pp 410-12).Liceti discusses Galileo’s Sidereus nuncius, his observations of sunspots, and other findings, along with the theories of Brahe, Kepler, Snell, and others. The nature of galaxies and the possible plurality of worlds are also examined.The fourth preliminary leaf is a catalogue of Liceti’s works, 44 titles listed.Fortunio Liceti, a friend and adversary of Galileo, was an Aristotelian university man ‘"of great reputation" (as one can read in [Galileo’s] Dialogue), the great teratologist, professor of philosophy and medicine at the University of Bologna. Professor Liceti had an incomparable intellectual formation in medicine, literary and archaeological erudition, and astronomy and natural philosophy. He knew a good twenty-two hypotheses on comets and all the theories of Aristotle’s commentators on the nature of light.’ (Redondi, Galileo: heretic pp 20-21).Carli and Favaro 185; Piantanida 2199; OCLC: Michigan, Toronto and Yale; Harvard also has a copy
Prose de' Signori Accademici Gelati di Bologna distinte ne' seguenti trattati.[bound

Prose de’ Signori Accademici Gelati di Bologna distinte ne’ seguenti trattati.[bound, and possibily issued with:] Leggi dell’Accademia de’ S.S.ri Gelati di Bologna .

MONTANARI, Geminiano (1633-1687) et al. ACCADEMIA DEI GELATI 2 vols in bound in one, 4to (206 x 155 mm), pp xvi, including frontispiece] 432 [recte 442]; 24, with engraved frontispiece to first work, 16 engraved emblems within borders, and 2 full-page white-on-black woodcuts of the Pleiades, numerous head- and tail-pieces and other woodcut illustrations; a few marginal tears, some occasional worming to inner blank margins, overall a very good copy in contemporary Italian vellum with title in manuscript on spine.First edition, Montanari’s discovery of variable stars, ‘one of the earliest and most important chapters in the history of astrophysics’ (see below). The volume itself is a collection of essays on various topics by the Accademia members, noted especially for Montanari’s essay ‘Sopra la Sparizione d’alcune Stelle et altre novita Celesti. Discorso Astronomico’ (pp 369-392 [recte 402], a pioneering work on periodic variable stars. Montanari catalogues a number of stars of variable brightness. Montanari had devoted himself to ‘inventing and marking precision instruments. He constructed enormous objective lenses, that were greatly praised by Cassini; one of them, dated 1666, is preserved in Bologna .’Montanari’s greatest achievements, however, were in astronomy, particularly in his observations of the star Algol, which contributed to one of the earliest and most important chapters in the history of astrophysics, the study of the variable stars. He sent the results of his observations, which struct a fresh blow at the Aristotelian concept of the heavens’ immutability, to the Royal Society in London and gave the first report of them in the paper "Sopra la sparizione d’alcune stelle et altre novita celesti," published in Prose de’ signori accademici Gelati ((1671). In this paper he catalogued many stars of variable brightness, again drawing particular attention to Algol . Montanari seems not to have noticed the regularity of the phenomenon, but he was reasonably accurate in indicating the extremes of the variation’ (DSB, which goes to explain that his failure to notice the periodicity was due to deterioration of his sight which prevented him from making regular observations).There are two striking white-on-black plates illustrating ‘Pleiades Montanarii 1668′ and "Pleiades Galilaei 1610’. The frontispiece, featuring the emblem of the Accademia, is by Lorenzo Tinti after Agostino Carracci. Praz notes ‘the widespread interest of men of letters in the composition of their own devices’ in this work (Praz, p 77).The second title sets out the rules governing the Accademia, along with a list of its members. They include many prominent artists and scientists such as Ferdinando Cospi, Ovidio Montalbani, Antonio Manzini, Giovanni Paolo Castelli, Giovanni Domenico Tiepolo, Caro Dati, Lorenzo Magalotti, and of course Montanari himself.The pagination of this work is in full: [xvi] pp 160 ff 161-169; pp 171-390; ff 391, 392; pp 393-432; 24. The text contains significant corrections in manuscript.Riccardi I.2 172

Historiae coelestis libri duo: quorum prior exhibet catalogum stellarum fixarum Britannicum novum & locupletissimum, una cum earundem planetarumque omnium observationibus sextante, micrometro, &c. habitis; posterior transitus syderum per planum arcus meridionalis et distantias eorum a vertice complectitur. Observante Johanne Flamsteedio in Observatorio Regio Grenovicensi continua serie ab anno 1676 ad annum 1705 completum.

FLAMSTEED, John (1646-1719) Large folio (390 x 267 mm), pp [ii] vi 60; 387 [3]; 120, [2, errata], with engraved frontispiece, engraved dedication leaf, ten engraved headpieces, and four engraved plates; prelims a bit spotted, a few minor marginal tears not affecting text, a fine, crisp copy in contemporary panelled calf, with gilt arms of Queen Anne within gilt panels on both covers, the binding repaired in various places, rebacked with original spine laid down. The exceptionally rare first edition of Flamsteed’s catalogue of fixed stars, published without his consent by Edmund Halley and the Royal Society. Flamsteed had the undistributed edition confiscated, and, apart from one section, burned the lot, as ‘a Sacrifice . to heavenly Truth’. Flamsteed’s catalogue and sextant observations is one of the foundations of modern observational astronomy, and his data was crucial to Isaac Newton in writing the Principia. Flamsteed’s catalogue was far more extensive and accurate than anything that had gone before. He was the first to utilize instruments with telescopic sights and micrometer eyepieces; he was the first to study systematic errors in his instruments; he was the first to urge the fundamental importance of using clocks and taking meridian altitudes. The catalogue contains about 3000 naked eye stars (Ptolemy and Tycho listed 1000, Hevelius 2000) with an accuracy of about 10 seconds of arc. However, Flamsteed, although appointed first Astronomer Royal in 1675, was reluctant to publish what he considered preliminary observations. Isaac Newton and Edmond Halley pressed him to do so. Flamsteed’s refusal led to one of the most famous, and bitterest, disputes in the history of astronomy, and to the present work being published against Flamsteed’s will. Flamsteed’s response, in 1716, was to destroy 300 of the 400 copies printed, apart from the section of sextant observations.His own ‘authorised’ version of the star catalogue was only published posthumously, by his widow, in 1725. The frontispiece, featuring Flamsteed’s portrait, is by George Vertue after J.B. Catenaro; the engraved dedication to Queen Anne and her consort, Prince George of Denmark, is by Guernier after Catenaro; the engraved plates are by John Senex; and the fine headpieces, several depicting Flamsteed’s astronomical instruments, are also engraved by Guernier after Catenaro.Provenance: arms of the dedicatée Queen Anne on binding; inscription on front fly-leaf, ‘in hoc catalogo britannico continentur 2348 stellae fixae & variationes ascentiones recte & declinationes in illo exhibitae annis 71 perficiuntur, nempe variationes hisce locis applicatae dant illos qui egrediente anno domini 1760 caelo correspondebunt’ (‘this British catalogue contains the right ascension and declination of 2348 fixed stars and their variation over a period of 71 years, and can be used to obtain these variations up to the year 1760’); a few eighteenth-century ink notes in margins of catalogue of fixed stars at beginning, including the following in the lower margin of the first leaf of text: ‘NB The variations in R[ight] A[scension] and D[istance] to P[ole] are for the time in which the stars are changing their procession by one degree that is to say in 72 years. Hence as from the year 1690 to the year 1786 there are 96 years then 96 – 72 = 24 & 72 ÷ 24 = 3 [therefore] for the year 1786 add the variation and 1/3 of it’; Edward Henry Columbine (1763-1811), hydrographer and colonial governor (signature ‘E. H. Columbine’ on title); Radcliffe Observatory, Oxford (Sotheby’s Catalogue of the Valuable Library removed from The Radcliffe Observatory, Oxford, Tuesday, 7th May, 1935) Parkinson p 139; Gingerich, ‘A unique copy of Flamsteed’s Historia Coelestis,’ pp 189-197 in Flamsteed’s Stars: New Perspectives on the Life and Work of the First Astronomer Royal, 1646-1719 (Willmoth, ed) (1997)
Autograph letter

Autograph letter, signed, to Darwin’s American publisher Appleton & Co. discussing the need for a new American edition of the Origin, incorporating the latest revisions and additions

DARWIN, Charles 4 pages, 8vo (203 x 128 mm), ink on paper, small loss of blank corner margin, creases from posting.A fine and substantial autograph letter to an unnamed person at Appleton & Co., Darwin’s American publishers. Darwin is anxious for them to bring out a new American edition of the Origin, incorporating corrections and additions since the second edition of 1860, ‘as it is 92 pages longer than the 2nd. edition, besides endless small though important corrections’. He states his belief that ‘the continued large sale of this book in England Germany & France has depended on my keeping up each edition to the existing standard of science’, and threatens that if Appleton is unable to comply he will ask Asa Gray to find another publisher. He also threatens that he will not give Appleton his ‘new book’ (i.e. The Descent of Man) unless they agree to a new edition of the Origin. In the event, Appleton published a new edition in 1870 as Darwin had demanded (note that their 1869 edition was just a reprint of their 1860 edition), and published the first American edition of The Descent of Man in 1871.Provenance: Sotheby’s 21 May 1968 to Ralph Colp, JrDarwin Correspondence Project 7007 (partial transcription)
A Discourse of Gravity and Gravitation

A Discourse of Gravity and Gravitation, grounded on Experimental Observations: Presented to the Royal Society, November 12. 1674 .

WALLIS, John (1616-1703) 4to (200 x 155 mm), pp [iv] 36, with folding engraved plate; a very good copy in plain wrappers, worn.First edition of Wallis’s response to Sir Mathew Hale’s critique of Boyle’s experiments on the weight and spring of air, and part of Wallis’s project to provide the mathematical basis of mechanics. ‘In 1673 and 1674 Sir Matthew Hale (1609-1676), the Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, anonymously published two books criticising the explanation of the barometric experiments by the weight and spring of the air. For some reason, Boyle was not willing to answer and John Wallis was commissioned to do so. Wallis dealt with the weight of fluids in the . Discourse concerning Gravity . presented to the Royal Society in November 1674 The Council ordered it to be printed at its expense in January 1675. We cannot deal here with Wallis’ tract except to point out that although Wallis avoids the mixed mathematics format, he provides a detailed theoretical critique of Hale’s explanations of the barometric experiments and of new experiments adduced by Hale. What seems highly relevant here is that in a matter in which Boyle was the highest authority, the Society’s answer to Hale’s challenge was entrusted to Wallis. This suggests that the experimentalist’s and the mathematician’s approach to hydrostatics and pneumatics were regarded as conflicting in no fundamental way. On the contrary it suggests that it was thought useful to combine them for answering critics. Boyle and Wallis did agree in rejecting to pay serious consideration to the investigation of the "nature" of key physical notions such as gravity or spring. Judging from the occasions in which they cooperated in crucial matters, this agreement seems to have powerfully brought them together.’ (Antoni Malet in The Mechanization of Natural Philosophy, p 177).Hale’s two anonymous works were Essay touching the gravitation or non-gravitation of fluids (1673) and Difficiles nugae, or, Observations touching the Torricellian experiment (1674). These two prompted both the present work by Wallis and also a reply by Thomas Hobbes in his Decameron physiologicum (1678, chapter VIII).Wallis begins by setting out his mathematical approach to the laws of motion, stating that it is not his intent to discuss the causes or nature of gravity, but rather to give as precise as possible a mathematical description of gravity and related phenomena. He then embarks on a detailed critique of Hale’s ‘explanations’, which are rooted in philosophy and not in quantitative analysis.Wing W574
Lyell family album of 85 autograph letters written to or concerning Charles Lyell from eminent chemists

Lyell family album of 85 autograph letters written to or concerning Charles Lyell from eminent chemists, physicists, physicians, and explorers.

LYELL, Sir Charles (1797-1875) and others Together 85 letters by physicists, chemists, explorers, geographers, geologists, and doctors and surgeons, the letters edge-mounted in a large contemporary autograph album (361 by 265 mm), contemporary dark purple half morocco over purple roan boards, gilt edges, with manuscript label ‘Chemists, Physicians, Travellers, and Geographers’. In fine condition, with its original waxed linen protective cover. Most of the letters are accompanied by a facing photograph or portrait print of the letter’s author. The album was compiled by a member of Lyell’s family, Leonard Lyell (1850-1926), nephew of Charles Lyell and son of Katherine Mary Lyell. His signature is on the inside front cover.An autograph album from the family of Sir Charles Lyell, and a veritable Who’s Who of Victorian scientists, doctors and surgeons, and explorers. It reveals the complex weave of scientific, social, and institutional connections that formed the fabric of the Lyell family’s life in particular and Victorian science in general. It also illuminates Lyell’s Scottish connections in the sciences, the role of the British Institution and its lecturers, the Royal Society, and the Athenaeum Club, the leading London club for intellectuals. Many of the letters are written on Royal Institution or Athenaeum stationery. This is an immensely valuable archive that has never been researched before and none of which has been published; it sheds new light on the working practice of Charles Lyell, Michael Faraday, Francis Galton, and many others, and in particular the network of correspondence Lyell maintained in gathering geological information from far-flung parts of the Empire and elsewhere.The correspondents include Humphry Davy, Michael Faraday, William Wollaston, Jacob Berzelius, Justus von Liebig, August Wilhelm Hoffman, John Tyndall, Edward Frankland, David Brewster, Hermann von Helmholtz, William Grove, Benjamin Brodie, Alexander Shaw, Matthew Ballie, James Clark, Henry Holland, Andrew Clark, Joseph Lister, Alexander Burnes, Basil Hall, John Richardson, William Parry, Leopold McClintock, George Back, Charles Augustus Murray, James Brooke, Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld, Francis Galton, James Grant, John Wilkinson, Henry Lefroy, Karl Lepsius, Friedjof Nansen, and others.Full details of contents upon request.
La Dissection des parties du corps humain ?[bound with:] VESALIUS

La Dissection des parties du corps humain ?[bound with:] VESALIUS, Andreas ( ) and Jacques GRÉVIN (ca 1539-1570). Les Portraicts anatomiques de toutes les parties du corps humain ?

ESTIENNE, Charles (1504-1564) and Estienne de la RIVIÈRE (died 1564) 2 vols in one, folio (400 x 255 mm), I: pp [xvi] 405 [3, including terminal blank], with Colines’ ‘Tempus’ device on title, 62 full-page woodcuts (including 6 repeats), 101 smaller woodcuts, and criblé initials; II: pp [viii] 106 [2] with printer’s device on verso, and 40 engraved full-page plates; both works ruled in red throughout, both large, fine copies in early reversed calf.First edition in French of the Estienne and the first edition of Grévin’s adaptation of Vesalius’ Fabrica, and the first appearance of Vesalius in the French language.The Estienne is of one of the most attractive illustrated anatomical books of the sixteenth century. It is the French book which most superbly illustrates the union of art and science in Renaissance anatomy, to paraphrase En Français dans le texte. A Latin edition was published by Colines the year before, but the French version, his penultimate book, is much rarer and also contains two full-page woodcuts not included in the Latin edition, including the famous skeleton on p 13 by Mercure Jollat (dated 1532).The full-page woodcuts are striking examples of Mannerist art and are some of the most memorable images in medical iconography. As an illustrated anatomy it is surpassed only by Vesalius. Although published two years after Vesalius, the woodcuts were begun in 1530 and much of the printing had been completed by 1539, when work was interrupted by a lawsuit brought by the co-author, the surgeon Étienne de la Rivière, against Estienne. It is in fact likely that Vesalius, who was in Paris from 1533 to 1536, saw Estienne’s work and was influenced by it.This is the ‘first published work to include illustrations of the whole external venous and nervous systems’ (Garrison and Morton) and is particularly important in neurology for containing the most detailed pre-Vesalian brain dissections. ‘His eight dissections of the brain, made in 1539, give more anatomical detail than had previously appeared, particularly the first graphical presentation of the difference between convolutional patterns of the cerebrum and cerebellum’ (McHenry, Garrison’s history of neurology). ‘In the De dissectione, Estienne stated at the outset the principle of the new anatomical method: "One should not believe in books on anatomy but far more in one’s own eyes"’ (DSB).Full description provided upon request.